Home
Up
MARGUEIRITE

 

 

  

Volume IV

 

TESTIMONY OF GOV.  JOHN BOWDEN CONNALLY, JR.

 

            Governor, this Commission has met today for the purpose of taking the testimony of you and Mrs. Connally concerning the sad affair that you were part of. If you will raise your right hand, please, and be sworn. Do you solemnly swear the testimony you are about to give before this Commission will be the truth, the whole truth, and. nothing but the truth, so help you God?

            Governor CONNALLY. I do.

            The CHAIRMAN. You may be seated, Governor.  Mr. Specter will conduct the examination.

            Mr. SPECTER. Will you state your full name for the record, please?

            Governor CONNALLY. John Bowden Connally.

            Mr. SPECTER. What is your official position with the State of Texas , sir?

            Governor CONNALLY. I am now Governor of the State of Texas .

            Mr. SPECTER. Did you have occasion to be in the automobile which carried President John F. Kennedy through Dallas, Tex. , back on November 22, 1963.

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; I did.

            Mr. SPECTER. Will you outline briefly, please, the circumstances leading up to the President's planning a trip to Texas in November of last year?

            Governor CONNALLY. You want to go back to--how far back do you want to

 

                                                            129

 

Page 130

 

go, a few days immediately prior to the trip or a month before, or all of the circumstances surrounding it?

            Mr. SPECTER. Well, just a very brief picture leading up to the trip, Governor, starting with whatever point you think would be most appropriate to give some outline of the origin of the trip.

            Governor CONNALLY. Well, it had been thought that he should come to Texas for a period of many months, as a matter of fact.  There was some thought given to it during 1962.  The trip kept being delayed. Finally in the fall of 1963 it was decided that he definitely should come, or should come in the fall of last year as opposed to waiting until this year, when his appearance might have more political overtones.

            So I came up, I have forgotten the exact date, around the middle of October and talked to him about it, discussed the details, asked him what he would like to do.

            He said he would like to do whatever he could do that was agreeable with me; it was agreeable with me that he more or less trust me to plan the trip for him, to tell him where he would like to go.  About that time some thought was being given to having four fundraising dinners.  His attitude on that was he wouldn't prefer that.  He felt that the appearances would not be too good, that he would much prefer to have one if we were going to have any.  I told him this was entirely consistent with my own thoughts.  We ought not to have more than one fundraising dinner.  If we did, it ought to be in Austin .  If we could do it, I would like for him to see and get into as many areas of the State as possible while he was there.

            He, on his own, had made a commitment to go to the dinner for Congressman Albert Thomas, which was being given the night of the 21st in Houston, so shortly, really before he got there, and when I say shortly I would say 2 weeks before he came, the plans were altered a little bit in that he landed originally in San Antonio in the afternoon about 1:30 of the afternoon of the 21st.  From there we went to Houston , attended the Thomas dinner that night at about 8 o'clock.

            After that we flew to Fort Worth , spent the night at the Texas Hotel, had a breakfast there the next morning, and left about 10 o'clock, 10:30, for the flight over to Dallas .

            Mr. SPECTER. In what vehicle did you fly from Fort Worth to Dallas ?

            Governor CONNALLY. In Air Force 1.

            Mr. SPECTER. And approximately what time did you arrive at Love Field , Tex.

            Governor CONNALLY. I would say about 11:50, 12:00, shortly before noon.  I believe the luncheon was planned for 12:30, and we were running on schedule. I believe it was 11:50.

            Mr. SPECTER. Would you describe for us briefly the ceremonies at Love Field on the arrival of the President?

            Governor CONNALLY. Well, we, as usual, the President had a receiving line there.  I conducted Mrs. Kennedy through the receiving line and introduced her to about 15 or 17 people who were there as an official welcoming committee.

            The President came right behind, was introduced to them, and then he and Mrs. Kennedy both went over to the railing and spoke to a number of people who were standing around, who visited for 5 or 10 minutes, and then we got into the car as we had customarily done at each of the stops, and Mrs. Connally and I got on the jump seats, and with the President and Mrs. Kennedy on the back seat, and took off for the long motorcade downtown.

            Mr. SPECTER. I will now hand you a photograph which I have marked "Commission Exhibit 697," Governor Connally, and ask you if that accurately depicts the occupants of the car as you were starting that motorcade trip through Dallas?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; it does.

            Mr. SPECTER. Do you know the identities of the men who are riding in the front seat of the car?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes.  Roy Kellerman is on the right front.  He is a Secret Service agent, and Bill--I can't remember the other's name----

            Mr. SPECTER. Greer.

 

                                                            130

 

Page 131

 

            I hand you another photograph here, Governor, marked as "Commission Exhibit 698," and ask you if that is a picture of the President's automobile during its ride through the downtown area of Dallas ?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; I assume it is.  This is certainly the President's automobile, and this is the precise position that each of us occupied in the ride through Dallas . It was the same position, and could be a photograph, of any number of places that we went. But I was seated in the jump seat immediately in front of him, and Mrs. Connally was seated immediately in front of Mrs. Kennedy in the jump seat, and Roy Kellerman was immediately in front of me.

            Mr. SPECTER. Mr. Chief Justice, may I move at this time the admission into evidence of Exhibits 697 and 698?

            The CHAIRMAN. They may be admitted.

            (The items marked Commission Exhibits Nos. 697 and 698 were received in evidence.)

            Mr. SPECTER. What was the relative height of the Jump seats, Governor, with respect to the seat of the President and Mrs. Kennedy immediately to your rear?

            Governor CONNALLY. They were somewhat lower.  The back seat of that particular Lincoln limousine, which is a specially designed and built automobile, as you know, for the President of the United States , has an adjustable back seat. It can be lowered or raised. I would say the back seat was approximately 6 inches higher than the jump seats on which Mrs. Connally and I sat.

            Mr. SPECTER. Do you know for certain whether or not the movable back seat was elevated at the time?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; I could not be sure of it, although I know there were---there was a time or two when he did elevate it, and I think beyond question on most of the ride in San Antonio, Forth Worth, Houston, and Dallas, it was elevated.  For a while  the reason I know is--I sat on the back seat with him during part of the ride, particularly in San Antonio , not in Dallas , but in San Antonio . The wind was blowing, and we were traveling fairly fast, and Mrs. Kennedy preferred to sit on the jump seat, and I was sitting on the back seat part of the time, and the seat was elevated, and I think it was on substantially all the trip.

            Mr. SPECTER. Was the portion elevated, that where only the President sat?

            Governor CONNALLY. No: the entire back seat.

            Mr. SPECTER. Describe in a general way the size and reaction of the crowd on the motorcade route, if you would, please, Governor?

            Governor CONNALLY. When we got into Dallas , there was quite a large crowd at the airport to greet their President, I would say several thousand people.

            Part way downtown, in the thinly populated areas of Dallas , where we traveled, the crowds were not thick and were somewhat restrained in their reaction.  By restrained, I mean they were not wildly enthusiastic, but they were grown people.  There was a mature crowd as we went through some of the residential areas. They applauded and they were obviously very friendly in their conduct.

            But as we, of course, approached downtown, the downtown area of Dallas , going down the main street, the crowds were tremendous.  They were stacked from the curb and even outside the curb, back against the back walls. It was a huge crowd.  I would estimate there were 250,000 people that had lined the streets that day as we went down.

            The further you went the more enthusiastic the response was, and the reception. It was a tremendous reception, to the point where just as we turned on Houston Street off of Main, and turned on Houston , down by the courthouse, Mrs. Connally remarked to the President, "Well, Mr. President, you can't say there aren't some people in Dallas who love you." And the President replied, "That is very obvious," or words to that effect.

            So I would say the reception that he got in Dallas was equal to, if not more, enthusiastic than those he had received in Fort Worth, San Antonio, and Houston.

 

                                                            131

 

Page 132

 

            Mr. SPECTER. Are there any other conversations which stand out in your mind on the portion of the motorcade trip through Dallas itself?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; actually we had more or less. desultory conversation as we rode along. The crowds were thick all the way down on both sides, and all of us were, particularly the President and Mrs. Kennedy were, acknowledging the crowds.   They would turn frequently, smiling, waving to the people, and the opportunity for conversation was limited. So there was no particularly significant conversation or conversations Which took place.  It was, as I say, pretty desultory conversation.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did the automobile stop at any point during this procession?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; it did. There were at least two occasions on which the automobile stopped in Dallas and, perhaps, a third.  There was one little girl, I believe it was, who was carrying a sign saying, "Mr. President, will you please stop and shake hands with me," or some---that was the import of the sign, and he just told the driver to stop, and he did stop and shook hands, and, of course, he was immediately mobbed by a bunch of youngsters, and the Secret Service men from the car following us had to immediately come up and wedge themselves in between the crowd and the car to keep them back away from the automobile, and it was a very short stop.

            At another point along the route, a Sister, a Catholic nun, was there, obviously from a Catholic school, with a bunch of little children, and he stopped and spoke to her and to the children; and I think there was one other stop on the way downtown, but I don't recall the precise occasion.  But I know there were two, but I think there was still another one.

            Mr. SPECTER. Are there any other events prior to the time of the shooting itself which stand out in your mind on the motorcade trip through Dallas ?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; not that have any particular significance.

            Mr. SPECTER. As to the comment which Mrs. Connally had made to President Kennedy which you just described, where on the motor trip was that comment made, if you recall?

            Governor CONNALLY. This was just before we turned on Elm Street , after we turned off of Main .

            Mr. SPECTER. Onto Houston ?

            Governor CONNALLY. Onto Houston, right by the courthouse before we turned left onto Elm Street, almost at the end of the motorcade, and almost, I would say, perhaps a minute before the fatal shooting.

            Mr. SPECTER. What was the condition of the crowd at that juncture of the motorcade, sir?

            Governor CONNALLY. At that particular juncture, when she made this remark, the crowd was still very thick and very enthusiastic.  It began to thin immediately after we turned onto Elm Street .  We could look ahead and see that the crowd was beginning to thin along the banks, just east, I guess of the overpass.

            Mr. SPECTER. Was there any difficulty in hearing such a conversational comment?

            Governor CONNALLY. No, no; we could talk without any, and hear very clearly, without any difficulty, without any particular strain.  We didn't do it again because in trying to carry on a conversation it would be apparent to those who were the spectators on the sidewalk, and we didn't want to leave the impression we were not interested in them, and so we just didn't carry on a conversation, but we could do so without any trouble.

            Mr. SPECTER. As the automobile turned left onto Elm from Houston , what did occur there, Governor?

            Governor CONNALLY. We had--we had gone, I guess, 150 feet, maybe 200 feet, I don't recall how far it was, heading down to get on the freeway, the Stemmons Freeway, to go out to the hall where we were going to have lunch and, as I say, the crowds had begun to thin, and we could--I was anticipating that we were going to be at the hall in approximately 5 minutes from the time we turned on Elm Street.

            We had just made the turn, well, when I heard what I thought was a shot. I heard this noise which I immediately took to be a rifle shot.  I instinctively turned to my right because the sound appeared to come from over my right

 

                                                            132

 

Page 133

 

shoulder, so I turned to look back over my right shoulder, and I saw nothing unusual except just people in the crowd, but I did not catch the President in the corner of my eye, and I was interested, because once I heard the shot in my own mind I identified it as a rifle shot, and I immediately--the only thought that crossed my mind was that this is an assassination attempt.

            So I looked, failing to see him, I was turning to look back over my left shoulder into the back seat, but I never got that far in my turn.  I got about in the position I am in now facing you, looking a little bit to the left of center, and then I felt like someone had hit me in the back.

            Mr. SPECTER. What is the best estimate that you have as to the time span between the sound of the first shot and the feeling of someone hitting you in the back which you just described?

            Governor CONNALLY. A very, very brief span of time.  Again my trend of thought just happened to be, I suppose along this line, I immediately thought that this--that I had been shot.  I knew it when I just looked down and I was covered with blood, and the thought immediately passed through my mind that there were either two or three people involved or more in this or someone was shooting with an automatic rifle.  These were just thoughts that went through my mind because of the rapidity of these two, of the first shot plus the blow that I took, and I knew I had been hit, and I immediately assumed, because of the amount of blood, and in fact, that it had obviously passed through my chest. that I had probably been fatally hit.

            So I merely doubled up, and then turned to my right again and began to--I just sat there, and Mrs. Connally pulled me over to her lap. She was sitting, of course, on the jump seat, so I reclined with my head in her lap, conscious all the time, and with my eyes open; and then, of course, the third shot sounded, and I heard the shot very clearly.  I heard it hit him.  I heard the shot hit something, and I assumed again--it never entered my mind that it ever hit anybody but the President.  I heard it hit.  It was a very loud noise, just that audible, very clear.

            Immediately I could see on my clothes, my clothing, I could see on the interior of the car which, as I recall, was a pale blue, brain tissue, which I immediately recognized, and I recall very well, on my trousers there was one chunk of brain tissue as big as almost my thumb, thumbnail, and again I did not see the President at any time either after the first, second, or third shots, but I assumed always that it was he who was hit and no one else.

            I immediately, when I was hit, I said, "Oh, no, no, no."  And then I said, "My God, they are going to kill us all." Nellie, when she pulled me over into her lap----

            Mr. SPECTER. Nellie is Mrs. Connally?

            Governor CONNALLY. Mrs. Connally.  When she pulled me over into her lap, she could tell I was still breathing and moving, and she said, "Don't worry, Be quiet.  You are going to be all right."  She Just kept telling me I was going to be all right.

            After the third shot, and I heard Roy Kellerman tell the driver, "Bill, get out of line." And then I saw him move, and I assumed he was moving a button or something on the panel of the automobile, and he said, "Get us to a hospital quick."  I assumed he was saying this to the patrolman, the motorcycle police who were leading us.

            At about that time, we began to pull out of the cavalcade, out of the line, and I lost consciousness and didn't regain consciousness until we got to the hospital.

            Mr. SPECTER. Governor Connally, I hand you a photograph, marked Commission Exhibit 699, which is an overhead shot of Dealey Plaza depicting the intersection of Houston and Elm, and ask you if you would take a look at that photograph and mark for us, if you would, with one of the red pencils at your right, the position of the President's automobile as nearly as you can where it was at the time the shooting first started.

            Governor CONNALLY. I would say it would be about where this truck is here. It looks like a truck.  I would say about in that neighborhood.

            Mr. SPECTER. Would you place your initials, Governor, by the mark that you made there?

 

                                                            133

 

Page 134

 

            Governor, you have described hearing a first shot and a third shot.  Did you hear a second shot?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; I did not.

            Mr. SPECTER. What is your best estimate as to the timespan between the first shot which you heard and the shot which you heretofore characterized as the third shot?

            Governor CONNALLY. It was a very brief span of time; oh, I would have to say a matter of seconds. I don't know, 10, 12 seconds.  It was extremely rapid, so much so that again I thought that whoever was firing must be firing with an automatic rifle because of the rapidity of the shots; a very short period of time.

            Mr. SPECTER. What was your impression then as to the source of the shot?

            Governor CONNALLY. From back over my right shoulder which, again, was where immediately when I heard the first shot I identified the sound as coming back over my right-shoulder.

            Mr. SPECTER. At an elevation?

            Governor CONNALLY. At an elevation.  I would have guessed at an elevation.

            Mr. SPECTER. Excuse me.

            Governor CONNALLY.  Well, that is all.

            Mr. SPECTER.  Did you have an impression as to the source of the third shot?

            Governor CONNALLY.  The same. I would say the same.

            Mr. SPECTER. How fast was the President's automobile proceeding at that time?

            Governor CONNALLY. I would guess between 20 and 22 miles an hour, and it is a guess because I didn't look at the speedometer, but I would say in that range.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did President Kennedy make any statement during the time of the shooting or immediately prior thereto?

            Governor CONNALLY. He never uttered a sound at all that I heard.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did Mrs. Kennedy state anything at that time?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; I have to--I would say it was after the third shot when she said, "They have killed my husband."

            Mr. SPECTER. Did she say anything more?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; she said, I heard her say one time, "I have got his brains in my hand."

            Mr. SPECTER. Did that constitute everything that she said at that time?

            Governor CONNALLY. That is all I heard her say.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did Mrs. Connally say anything further at this time?

            Governor CONNALLY. All she said to me was, after I was hit when she pulled me over in her lap, she said, "Be quiet, you are going to be all right.  Be still, you are going to be all right." She just kept repeating that.

            Mr. SPECTER. Was anything further stated by Special Agent Roy Kellerman other than that which you have already testified about?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; those are the only two remarks that I heard him make.

            Mr. SPECTER. Was any statement made by Special Agent William Greer at or about the time of the shooting?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; I did not hear Bill say anything.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did you observe any reaction by President Kennedy after the shooting?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; I did not see him.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did you observe any reaction by Mrs. Kennedy after the shooting?

            Governor CONNALLY. I did not see her.  This almost sounds incredible, I am sure, since we were in the car with them. But again I will repeat very briefly when what I believe to be the shot first occurred, I turned to my right, which was away from both of them, of course, and looked out and could see neither, and then as I was turning to look into the back seat where I would have seen both of them, I was hit, so I never completed the turn at all, and I never saw either one of them after the firing started, and, of course, as I have testified, then Mrs. Connally pulled me over into her lap and I was facing forward with my head slightly turned up to where I could see the driver and Roy Kellerman on his right, but I could not see into the back seat, so I didn't see either one of them.

 

                                                            134

 

Page 135

 

            Mr. SPECTER. When you turned to your right. Governor Connally, immediately after you heard the first shot. what did you see on that occasion?

            Governor CONNALLY. Nothing of any significance except just people out on the grass slope. I didn't see anything that was out of the ordinary, just saw men, women, and children.

            Mr. SPECTER. Do you have any estimate as to the distance which the President's automobile traveled during the shooting?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; I hadn't thought about it, but I would suppose in 10 to 12 seconds, I suppose you travel a couple of hundred feet.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did you observe any bullet or fragments of bullet strike the windshield?

            Governor CONNALLY. No.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did you observe any bullet or fragments of bullet strike the metal chrome?

            Governor CONNALLY. No.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did you experience any sensation of being struck any place other than that which you have described on your chest?

            Governor CONNALLY. No.

            Mr. SPECTER. What other wounds, if any, did you sustain?

            Governor CONNALLY. A fractured wrist and a wound in the thigh, just above the knee.

            Mr. SPECTER. What thigh?

            Governor CONNALLY. Left thigh; just above the knee.

            Mr. SPECTER. Where on the wrist were you injured, sir?

            Governor CONNALLY. I don't know how you describe it.

            Mr. SPECTER. About how many inches up from the wrist joint?

            Governor CONNALLY. I would say an inch above the wrist bone, but on the inner bone of the wrist where the bullet went in here and came out almost in the center of the wrist on the underside.

            Mr. SPECTER. About an inch from the base of the palm?

            Governor CONNALLY. About an inch from the base of the palm, a little less than an inch, three-quarters of an inch.

            Mr. SPECTER. Were you conscious of receiving that wound on the wrist at the time you sustained it?

            Governor CONNALLY. No, sir; I was not.

            Mr. SPECTER. When did you first know you were wounded in the right wrist?

            Governor CONNALLY. When I came to in the hospital on Saturday, the next morning, and I looked up and my arm was tied up in a hospital bed, and I said, "What is wrong with my arm?" And they told me then that I had a shattered wrist, and that is when I also found out I had a wound in the thigh.

            Mr. SPECTER. Can you describe the nature of the wound in the thigh?

            Governor CONNALLY. Well, just a raw, open wound, looked like a fairly deep penetration.

            Mr. SPECTER. Indicating about 2 inches?

            Governor CONNALLY. No; I would say about an inch, an inch and a quarter long is all; fairly wide, I would say a quarter of an inch wide, maybe more, a third of an inch wide, and about an inch and a quarter, an inch and a half long.

            Mr. SPECTER. Were you conscious that you had been wounded on the left thigh at the time it occurred?

            Governor CONNALLY. No.

            Mr. SPECTER. Did you first notice that in the hospital on the following day also?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes.

            Mr. SPECTER. In your view, which bullet caused the injury to your chest, Governor Connally?

            Governor CONNALLY. The second one.

            Mr. SPECTER. And what is your reason for that conclusion, sir?

            Governor CONNALLY. Well, in my judgment, it just couldn't conceivably have been the first one because I heard the sound of the shot, In the first place, don't know anything about the velocity of this particular bullet, but any rifle has a velocity that exceeds the speed of sound, and when I heard the sound of that first shot, that bullet had already reached where I was, or it had reached

 

                                                            135

 

Page 136

 

that far, and after I heard that shot, I had the time to turn to my right, and start to turn to my left before I felt anything.

            It is not conceivable to me that I could have been hit by the first bullet, and then I felt the blow from something which was obviously a bullet, which I assumed was a bullet, and I never heard the second shot, didn't hear it. I didn't hear but two shots.  I think I heard the first shot and the third shot.

            Mr. SPECTER. Do you have any idea as to why you did not hear the second shot?

            Governor CONNALLY. Well, first, again I assume the bullet was traveling faster than the sound.  I was hit by the bullet prior to the time the sound reached me, and I was in either a state of shock or the impact was such that the sound didn't even register on me, but I was never conscious of hearing the second shot at all.

            Obviously, at least the major wound that I took in the shoulder through the chest couldn't have been anything but the second shot.  Obviously, it couldn't have been the third, because when the third shot was fired I was in a reclining position, and heard it, saw it and the effects of it, rather--I didn't see it, I saw the effects of it--so it obviously could not have been the third, and couldn't have been the first, in my judgment.

            Mr. SPECTER. What was the nature of the exit wound on the front side of your chest, Governor?

            Governor CONNALLY. I would say, if the Committee would be interested, I would just as soon you look at it.  Is there any objection to any of you looking at it?

            The CHAIRMAN. No.

            Governor CONNALLY. You can tell yourself.

            I would say, to describe it for the record, however, that it, the bullet, went in my back just below the right shoulder blade, at just about the point that the right arm joins the shoulder, right in that groove, and exited about 2 inches toward the center of the body from the right nipple of my chest.  I can identify these for you.

            The bullet went in here  see if I properly describe that--about the juncture of the right arm and the shoulder.

            Mr. SPECTER. Let the record show that the Governor has removed his shirt and we can view the wound on the back which he is pointing toward.

            Governor CONNALLY. The other two are tubes that were inserted in my back by the doctors.

            Mr. SPECTER. Dr. Shaw is present and he can, perhaps, describe with identifiable precision where the wounds are.

            Dr. SHAW. There is the wound of the drain that has been specifically described.  It was not as large as the scar indicated because in cleaning up the ragged edges of the wound, some of the skin was excised in order to make a cleaner incision. This scar--- -

            Mr. SPECTER. Will you describe the location, Doctor, of that wound on the Governor's back?

            Dr. SHAW. Yes.  It is on the right shoulder, I will feel it, just lateral to the shoulder blade, the edge of which is about 2 centimeters from the wound, and just above and slightly medial to the crease formed by the axilla or the armpit, the arm against the chest wall.

            Mr. SPECTER. What other scars are shown there on the Governor's back?

            Dr. SHAW. The other scars are surgically induced.  This is the incision that was made to drain the depth of the subscapular space.

            Mr. SPECTER. And there you are indicating an incision at what location, please?

            Dr. SHAW. Just at the angle of the shoulder blade.  Here is the angle of the shoulder blade.

            These incisions were never closed by suture.  These incisions were left open and they healed by what we call secondary intention, because in this case there was what we call a Penrose drain, which is a soft-rubber drain going up into the depths of the shoulder to allow any material to drain.  This was to prevent infection.  The other small opening was the one in which the tube was placed through the eighth interspace.

 

                                                            136

 

Page 137

 

            Mr. SPECTER. Indicate its location, please, Doctor, on his back.

            Dr. SHAW. This is lower on the right back in what we refer to as the posterior axillary line, roughly this line.

            Mr. SPECTER. There you are drawing a vertical, virtually vertical line?

            Dr. SHAW. Yes.  It is on the right back, but getting close to the lateral portion of the chest.  This also was a stab wound which was never sutured. There was a rubber drain through this that led to what we call a water seal bottle to allow for drainage of the inside of the chest.

            Mr. SPECTER. Indicating again the second medically inflicted wound.

            Dr. SHAW. Yes; that is right.

            Mr. SPECTER. Will you now, Doctor, describe the location of the wound of exit on the Governor's chest, please?

            Dr. SHAW. Yes.  The wound of exit was beneath and medial to the nipple. Here was this V that I was indicating.  It is almost opposite that  At the time of the wound there was a ragged oval hole here at least 5 centimeters in diameter, but the skin edges were. excised, and here again this scar does not look quite as nice as it does during the more lateral portion of the surgically induced incision, because this skin was brought together under a little tension, and there is a little separation there.

            Mr. SPECTER. Will you describe the entire scar there, Doctor, for the record, please?

            Dr. SHAW. Yes.  The entire surgical incision runs from the anterior portion of the chest just lateral to the, we call it, the condral arch, the V formed by the condral arch, and then extends laterally below the nipple, running up, curving up, into the posterior axillary portion or the posterior lateral wall of the chest.

            Mr. SPECTER. What is the total length of the scar, Doctor?

            Dr. SHAW.  Twenty centimeters, about.

            Mr. DULLES. Where was the center of the bullet wound itself in that scar about?

            Dr. SHAW. Here.

            Mr. DULLES. There?

            Dr. SHAW. Yes.  All of the rest of this incision was necessary to gain access to the depths of the wound for the debridement, for removing all of the destroyed tissue because of the passage of the bullet.

            Mr. DULLES. Would you give us in your hand the area of declination from the entry to the----

            Dr. SHAW. This way.

            Mr, DULLES. Yes.

            Mr. SPECTER. Can you estimate that angle for us, Doctor?

            Dr. SHAW. We are talking about the angle now, of course, with the horizontal, and I would say--you don't have a caliper there, do you?

            Dr. GREGORY. Yes.

            Dr. SHAW. I was going to guess somewhere between 25° and 30°.

            Mr. DULLES. Sorry to ask these questions.

            Governor CONNALLY. That is fine.  I think it is an excellent question.

            Dr. SHAW. Well, this puts it right at 25°.

            Mr. SPECTER. That is the angle then of elevation as you are measuring it?

            Dr. SHAW. Measuring from back to front, it is the elevation of the posterior wound over the anterior wound.

            The CHAIRMAN. The course being downward back to front?

            Dr. SHAW. Yes.

            Governor CONNALLY. Back to front.

            The CHAIRMAN. Yes.

            Dr. SHAW. At the time of the initial examination, as I described, this portion of the Governor's chest was mobile, it was moving in and out because of the softening of the chest, and that was the reason I didn't want the skin incision to be directly over that, because to get better healing it is better to have a firm pad of tissue rather than having the incision directly over the softened area.

            Mr. DULLES. Doctor, would the angle be the same if the Governor were seated now the way he was in the chair?

            Dr. SHAW. That is a good question. Of course, we don't know exactly whether

 

                                                            137

 

Page 138

 

he was back or tipped forward.  But I don't think there is going to be much difference.

            Mr. DULLES. Were you seated in about that way, Governor?

            Governor CONNALLY. Mr. Dulles, I would say I was in about this position when I was hit, with my face approximately looking toward you, 20° off of center.

            Dr. SHAW. Yes; I got 27°.  That didn't make much difference.

            Mr. SPECTER. Is that reading taken then while the Governor is in a seated position, Doctor?

            Dr. SHAW. Yes, seated; yes.

            Representative BOGGS. May I ask a question?  How would his hand have been under those circumstances, Doctor, for the bullet to hit his wrist?

            Dr. GREGORY. I think it fits very well, really, remembering at the other end the trajectory is right here, and there would be no problem to pose his hands in that fashion, and if you will note, you can see it best from over here really, because you did see that the point of entry, and you can visualize his thigh, there is no problem to visualize the trajectory.

            Mr. DULLES. Would you be naturally holding your hand in that position?

            Dr. GREGORY. It could be any place.

            Governor CONNALLY. It could be anywhere on that line, Mr. Dulles. Mr. Chief Justice, you see this is the leg.

            Dr. SHAW. Of course, the wound is much smaller than this.

            Mr. SPECTER. Let the record show the Governor has displayed the left thigh showing the scar caused by the entry of the missile in the left thigh.

            Dr. Gregory, will you describe the locale of that?

            Dr. GREGORY. Yes.  This scar, excisional scar, is a better term, if I may just interject that----

            Mr. SPECTER. Please do.

            Dr. GREGORY. The excisional scar to the Governor's thigh is located at a point approximately 10 or 12 centimeters above the adductor tubercule of the femur, placing it at the juncture of the middle and distal third of his thigh.

            Mr. SPECTER. In lay language, Doctor, about how far is that up from the knee area?

            Dr. GREGORY. Five inches, 6 inches.

            Mr. SPECTER. Governor Connally, can you recreate the position that you were sitting in in the automobile, as best you can recollect, at the time you think you were struck?

            Governor CONNALLY. I think, having turned to look over my right shoulder, then revolving to look over my left shoulder, I threw my right wrist over on my left leg.

            Mr. SPECTER. And in the position you are seated now, with your right wrist on your left leg, with your little finger being an inch or two from your knee?

            Governor CONNALLY. From the knee.

            Mr. SPECTER. And, Dr. Gregory, would that be in approximate alinement which has been characterized on Commission Exhibit----

            Dr. GREGORY. I think it fits reasonably well; yes, sir.

            Mr. SPECTER. In a moment here I can get that exhibit.

            Mr. DULLES. May I ask a question in the meantime?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

            Mr. DULLES. You turned to the right, as I recall your testimony, because you heard the sound coming from the right?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

            Mr. DULLES. How did you happen to turn then to the left, do you remember why that was?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; I know exactly.  I turned to the right both to see, because it was an instinctive movement, because that is where the sound came from, but even more important, I immediately thought it was a rifleshot, I immediately thought of an assassination attempt, and I turned to see if I could see the President, to see if he was all right.  Failing to see him over my right shoulder, I turned to look over my left shoulder.

            Mr. DULLES. I see.

            Governor CONNALLY. Into the back seat, and I never completed that turn.  I

 

                                                            138

 

Page 139

 

got no more than substantially looking forward, a little bit to the left of forward, when I got hit.

            Representative BOGGS. May I ask one of the doctors a question?  What is the incidence of recovery from a wound of this type?

            Dr. GREGORY. I will defer the answer to Dr. Shaw.  From the wrist, excellent so far as recovery is concerned.   Functionally, recovery is going to be good, too, and Dr. Shaw can take on the other one.

            Dr. SHAW. We never had any doubt about the Governor's recovery.  We knew what we had to do and we felt he could recover.  I think I indicated that to Mrs. Connally.

            Governor CONNALLY. As soon as you got into the chest and found out what it was.

            Representative BOGGS. But there was a very serious wound, was there not, Doctor?

            Dr. SHAW. Yes.  It was both a shocking and painful wound, and the effects of the wound, the immediate effects of the wound, were very dangerous as far as Governor Connally was concerned, because he had what we call a sucking wound of the chest.  This would not allow him to breathe.  I think instinctively what happened, while he was riding in the car on the way to the hospital, he probably had his arm across, and he may have instinctively closed that sucking area to some extent.  But they had to immediately put an occlusive dressing on it as soon as he got inside to keep him from sucking air in and out of the right chest.

            Representative BOGGS. Had hospitalization been delayed for about another half hour or so----

            Dr. SHAW. That is speculation, but I don't think he could have maintained breathing, sufficient breathing, for a half hour with that type of wound.  It is a little speculation.  It would depend on how well he could protect himself.  We have had instances where by putting their jackets around them like this, they could occlude this, and go for a considerable period of time.  Airmen during the war instinctively protected themselves in this way.

            Representative BOGGS. You have no doubt about his physical ability to serve as Governor?

            Dr. SHAW. None whatever.  [Laughter.]

            Senator COOPER. I am just trying to remember whether we asked you, Doctor, if you probed the wound in the thigh to see how deep it was.

            Dr. GREGORY. I did not, Senator. Dr. Tom Shires at our institution attended that wound, and I have his description to go on, what he found, what he had written, and his description is that it did not penetrate the thigh very deeply, just to the muscle, but not beyond that.

            Representative BOGGS. Just one other question of the Doctor.  Having looked at the wound, there is no doubt in either of your minds that that bullet came from the rear, is there?

            Dr. GREGORY. There has never been any doubt in my mind about the origin of the missile; no.

            Representative BOGGS. And in yours?

            Dr. SHAW. No.

            Mr. SPECTER. Governor Connally, this is the exhibit which I was referring to, being 689.  Was that your approximate position except--that is the alinement with your right hand being on your left leg as you have just described?

            Governor CONNALLY.  No; it looks like my right hand is up on my chest.  But I don't know.  I can't say with any degree of certainty where my right hand was, frankly.

            Mr. SPECTER. Governor Connally----

            Governor CONNALLY. It could have been up on my chest, it could have been suspended in the air, it could have been down on my leg, it could have been anywhere. I just don't remember.

            I obviously, I suppose, like anyone else, wound up the next day realizing I was hit in three places, and I was not conscious of having been hit but by one bullet, so I tried to reconstruct how I could have been hit in three places by the same bullet, and I merely, I know it penetrated from the back through the chest first.

 

                                                            139

 

Page 140

 

            I assumed that I had turned as I described a moment ago, placing my right hand on my left leg, that it hit my wrist, went out the center of the wrist, the underside, and then into my leg, but it might not have happened that way at all.

            Mr. SPECTER. Were your knees higher on the jump seat than they would be on a normal chair such as you are sitting on?

            Governor CONNALLY. I would say it was not unlike this, with the exception the knees might be slightly higher, perhaps a half an inch to an inch higher.

            Mr. DULLES. In this photograph. you happen to have your right arm on the side of the car.  I don't know whether you recall that.  That is Commission Exhibit 698.  That just happened to be one pose at one particular time?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; I don't think there is any question, Mr. Dulles, at various times we were turned in every direction.  We had arms extended out of the car, on the side.

            Mr. DULLES. That was taken earlier, I believe.  Was that on Main Street ?  Where was that taken

            Representative BOGGS. I wonder if I might ask a question?

            The CHAIRMAN. Go right ahead.

            Representative BOGGS. This is a little bit off the subject, but it is pretty well established that the Governor was shot and he has recovered.  Do you have any reason to believe there was any conspiracy afoot for somebody to assassinate you?

            Governor CONNALLY. None whatever.

            Representative BOGGS. Had you ever received any threat from Lee Harvey Oswald of any kind?

            Governor CONNALLY. No.

            Representative BOGGS. Did you know him?

            Governor CONNALLY.  No.

            Representative BOGGS. Had you ever seen him?

            Governor CONNALLY. No.

            Representative BOGGS. Have you ever had any belief of, subsequent to the assassination of President Kennedy and your own injury, that there was a conspiracy here of any kind?

            Governor CONNALLY. None whatever.

            Representative BOGGS. What is your theory about what happened?

            Governor CONNALLY. Well, it is pure theory based on nothing more than what information is available to everyone, and probably less is available to me, certainly less than is available to you here on this Commission.

            But I think you had an individual here with a completely warped, demented mind who, for whatever reason, wanted to do two things: First, to vent his anger, his hate, against many people and many things in a dramatic fashion that would carve for him, in however infamous a fashion, a niche in the history books of this country.  And I think he deliberately set out to do just what he did, and that is the only thing that I can think of.

            You ask me my theory, and that is my theory, and certainly not substantiated by any facts.

            Representative BOGGS. Going on again, Governor, and again using the word "theory," do you have any reason to believe that there was any connection between Oswald and Ruby?

            Governor CONNALLY. I have no reason to believe that there was; no, Congressman.  By the same token, if you ask me do I have any reason not to believe it, I would have to answer the same, I don't know.

            Representative BOGGS. Yes.

            Governor CONNALLY. I just don't have any knowledge or any information about the background of either, and I am just not in a position to say.

            Mr. DULLES. You recall your correspondence with Oswald in connection with Marine matters, when he thought you were still Secretary of the Navy?

            Governor CONNALLY.  After this was all over, I do, Mr. Dulles.  As I recall, he wrote me a letter asking that his dishonorable discharge be corrected.  But at the time he wrote the letter, if he had any reason about it at all, or shortly thereafter, he would have recognized that I had resigned as Secretary of the Navy a month before I got the letter, so it would really take a peculiar mind,

 

                                                            140

 

Page 141

 

it seems to me, to harbor any grudge as a result of that when I had resigned as Secretary prior to the receipt of the letter.

            Mr. DULLES. I think I can say without violating any confidence, that there is nothing in the record to indicate that there was--in fact, Marina, the wife, testified, in fact, to the contrary.  There was no animus against you on the part of Oswald, as you----

            Governor CONNALLY. I have wondered, of course, in my own mind as to whether or not there could have conceivably been anything, and the only--I suppose like any person at that particular moment, I represented authority to him.  Perhaps he was in a rebellious spirit enough to where I was as much a target as anyone else.  But that is the only conceivable basis on which I can assume that he was deliberately trying to hit me.

            Representative BOGGS. You have no doubt about the fact that he was deliberately trying to hit you?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, I do; I do have doubt, Congressman.  I am not at all sure he was shooting at me.  I think I could with some logic argue either way.  The logic in favor of him, of the position that he was shooting at me, is simply borne out by the fact that the man fired three shots, and he hit each of the three times he fired.  He obviously was a pretty good marksman, so you have to assume to some extent at least that he was hitting what he was shooting at.

            On the other hand, I think I could argue with equal logic that obviously his prime target, and I think really his sole target, was President Kennedy.  His first shot, at least to him, he could not have but known the effect that it might have on the President.  His second shot showed that he had clearly missed the President, and his result to him, as the result of the first shot, the President slumped and changed his position in the back seat just enough to expose my back.  I haven't seen all of the various positions, but again I think from where he was shooting I was in the direct line of fire immediately in front of the President, so any movement on the part of the President would expose me.

            The CHAIRMAN. Have you seen the moving pictures, Governor?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; I have, Mr. Chief Justice.

            Mr. SPECTER. Was there any point of exit on your thigh wound?

            Governor CONNALLY. No.

            Mr. SPECTER. (to Dr. Gregory.)  Would you give the precise condition of the right wrist, and cover the thigh, too?

            Dr. GREGORY. The present state of the wound on his wrist indicates that the linear scar made in the course of the excision is well healed; that its upper limb is about----

            Governor CONNALLY. I thinks he wants you to describe the position of it.

            Mr. SPECTER. Yes; the position.

            Dr. GREGORY. I was about to do that.  The upper limb of it is about 5 centimeters above the wrist joint, and curves around toward the thumb distally to about a centimeter above the wrist joint.

            Mr. SPECTER. What is the total length of that?

            Dr. GREGORY. The length of that excisional scar is about 4 centimeters, an inch and a half.

            Mr. SPECTER. What is the wound appearing to be on the palmer side?

            Dr. GREGORY. The wound on the palmer side of the wrist is now converted to a well-healed linear scar approximately one- haft inch in length, and located about three-quarters of an inch above the distal flexion crease.

            Representative BOGGS. What is the prognosis for complete return of function there?

            Dr. GREGORY. Very good, Congressman; very good.

            Mr. SPECTER. Governor Connally, I now show you the black jacket and ask you if you can identify what that jacket is, whose it is?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; that is mine.

            Mr. SPECTER. When did you last wear that jacket?

            Governor CONNALLY. On November 22 I was wearing this, the day of the shooting.

 

                                                            141

 

Page 142

 

            Mr. SPECTER. I show you Commission Exhibit 683 and ask you if that is a photograph of the front side of the jacket, as it appears at the moment?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; it is.

            Mr. SPECTER. I show you Exhibit 684, and ask if that is a photograph of the rear side of the jacket?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; it is.

            Mr. SPECTER. I now show you a shirt and ask you if you can identify this as having been the shirt you wore on the day of the assassination?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; that is the shirt I had on.

            Mr. SPECTER. I show you Exhibit 685 and ask if that is a picture of the rear side of the shirt?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; it is.

            Mr. SPECTER. Exhibit 686 is shown to you, and I ask you if that is a photo~ graph of the front side of the shirt?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; it is.

            Mr. SPECTER. I show you a pair of black trousers. and ask you if you can identify them?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; these are the trousers to the coat we looked at a moment ago.  They were the trousers I was wearing on the day of the shooting.

            Mr. SPECTER. I show you a photograph and ask you, which is Exhibit 687, if that is a photograph of the front of the trousers?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; it is.

            Mr. SPECTER. I show you Exhibit 688 and ask you if that depicts the rear of the trousers?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; it does.

            Mr. SPECTER. I show you a tie, and ask you if you can identify that?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; that is the tie I was wearing on the day of the shooting.

            Mr. SPECTER. I now show you a photograph marked Commission Exhibit 700 and ask if that is a picture of the tie?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; it is.

            Mr. SPECTER. What is the permanent home of these clothes at the present time when they are not on Commission business?

            Governor CONNALLY. They, the Archives of the State of Texas , asked for the clothing, and I have given the clothing to them.  That is where they were sent from, I believe, here, to this Commission.

            Mr. SPECTER. At this juncture, Mr. Chief Justice, I move for the admission in evidence of Commission Exhibits 699 and 700.

            The CHAIRMAN. They may be admitted.

            (The items marked Commission Exhibits Nos. 699 and 700 for identification were received in evidence.)

            Mr. SPECTER.  Governor Connally, in 1963 we were informed that Lee Harvey Oswald paid a visit to Austin, Tex., and is supposed to also have visited your office. Do you have any knowledge of such a visit?

            Governor CONNALLY. No, sir.

            Mr. DULLES. What date did you give?

            Mr. SPECTER. 1963.

            Representative BOGGS. What date in 1963?

            Mr. SPECTER. We do not have the exact date on that.

            Representative BOGGS. Excuse me just a minute.  Would your office records indicate such a visit?

            Governor CONNALLY. It might or might not, Congressman. We have----

            Representative BOGGS. That is what I would think.

            Governor CONNALLY. We have there a reception room that is open from about 9:30 to 12 and from 2 to 4 every day, and depending on the time of the year there are literally hundreds of people who come in there.  There would be as high as 80 at a time that come in groups, and a tour--this is a very large reception room which, frankly, we can't use for any other purpose because it is so useful for tourists, and they literally come in by the hundreds, and some days we will have a thousand people in that room on any given day.  So for

 

                                                            142

 

Page 143

 

me to say he never was in there, I couldn't do that; and he might well have been there, and no record of it in the office.

            We make no attempt to keep a record of all the people who come in.  If they come in small groups or if they have appointments with me, or one of my assistants, yes, we do.  We keep records of people who come in and want to leave a card or leave word that they dropped by.  But I have no knowledge that he ever came by.

            Mr. SPECTER. Governor Connally, on your recitation of the events on the day of the assassination, you had come to the point where the shooting was concluded and the automobile had started to accelerate toward the hospital.  What recollection do you have, if any, of the events on the way to the hospital from the assassination scene?

            Governor CONNALLY. None really.  I think at that point I had lost consciousness because I don't have any recollection, Mr. Specter, of anything that occurred on the way to the hospital.  It was a very short period of time, but I don't remember it.

            Mr. SPECTER. Do you have any recollection of your arrival at the hospital itself, at the Parkland Hospital ?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes.  I think when the car stopped the driver was obviously driving at a very rapid rate of speed, and apparently, as he threw on the brakes of the car, it brought me back to consciousness.

            Again, a strange thing---strange things run through your mind and, perhaps, not so strange under the circumstances, but I immediately--the only thought that occurred to me was that I was in the jump seat next to the door, that everyone concerned, was going to be concerned with the President; that I had to get out of the way so they could get to the President.  So although I was reclining, and again Mrs. Connally holding me, I suddenly lurched out of her arms and tried to stand upright to get myself out of the car.

            I got--I don't really know how far I got. They tell me I got almost upright, and then just collapsed again, and someone then picked me up and put me on a stretcher.  I again was very conscious because this was the first time that I had any real sensation of pain, and at this point the pain in the chest was excruciating, and I kept repeating just over and over, "My God, it hurts, it hurts," and it was hurting, it was excruciating at that point.

            I was conscious then off and on during the time I was in the emergency room. I don't recall that I remember everything, but I remember quite a bit.  I remember being wheeled down the passageway, I remember doctors and various people talking in the emergency room, I remember them asking me a number of questions, too, which I answered, but that was about it.

            Mr. SPECTER. Do you know whether there was any bullet, or bullet fragments, that remained in your body or in your clothing as you were placed on the emergency stretcher at Parkland Hospital ?

            Governor CONNALLY. No.

            Mr. SPECTER. Governor Connally, other than that which you have already testified to, do you know of any events or occurrences either before the trip or with the President in Texas during his trip, or after his trip, which could shed any light on the assassination itself?

            Governor CONNALLY. None whatever.

            Mr. SPECTER. Do you know of any conversations involving anyone at all, either before the trip, during the trip, or after the trip, other than those which you have already related, which would shed any light on the facts surrounding the assassination?

            Governor CONNALLY. None whatever.

            Mr. SPECTER. Do you have anything to add which you think would be helpful to the Commission in any way?

            Governor CONNALLY. No, sir; Mr. Specter, I don't.

            I want to express my gratitude to the Commission for hearing me so patiently, but I only wish I could have added something more that would be helpful to the Commission on arriving at the many answers to so many of these difficult problems, but I don't.

            I can only say that it has taken some little time to describe the events and what happened.  It is rather amazing in retrospect when you think really

 

                                                            143

 

Page 144

 

what a short period of time it took for it to occur, in a matter of seconds, and if my memory is somewhat vague about precisely which way I was looking or where my hand or arm was, I can only say I hope it is understandable in the light of the fact that this was a very sudden thing.  It was a very shocking  thing.

            I have often wondered myself why I never had the presence of mind enough--- I obviously did say something; I said, "Oh, no, no, no," and then I said, "My God, they are going to kill us all."

            I don't know why I didn't say, "Get down in the car," but I didn't.  You just never know why you react the way you do and Why you don't do some things you ought to do.

            But I am again grateful to this Commission as a participant in this tragedy and as a citizen of this country, and I want to express, I think in behalf of millions of people, our gratitude for the time and energy and the dedication that this Commission has devoted to trying to supply the answers that people, I am sure, will be discussing for generations to come.  I know it has been a difficult, long, laborious task for you, but I know that generations of the future Americans will be grateful for your efforts.

            Representative BOGGS. Governor, I would like to say that we have had fine cooperation from all of your Texas officials, from the attorney general of the State, and from his people and others who have worked with the Commission.

            Governor CONNALLY. Well, we are delighted, and I am very happy that the attorney general is here with us today.

            Senator COOPER. May I ask one question?

            The CHAIRMAN. Yes, Senator Cooper.

            Senator COOPER. Governor, at the time you all passed the Texas School Book Depository, did you know that such a building was located there?  Were you familiar with the building at all?

            Governor CONNALLY. Just vaguely, Senator.

            Senator COOPER. But now when you heard the shot, you turned to your right because you thought, as you said, that the shot came from that direction.  As you turned, was that in the direction of the Texas School Book Depository?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; it was.

            Senator COOPER. Do you remember an overpass in front of you.

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

            Senator COOPER. As you moved down?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

            Senator COOPER. Were you aware at all of any sounds of rifleshots from the direction of the overpass, from the embankment?

            Governor CONNALLY. No, sir; I don't believe there were such.

            Senator COOPER. Well, you know, there have been stories.

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; but 1 don't believe that.

            Senator COOPER. I wanted to ask you if you were very conscious of the fact--you were conscious of a shot behind you, you were not aware of any shot from the embankment or overpass. The answer is what?

            Governor CONNALLY. I am not aware of any shots from the overpass, Senator. Senator, I might repeat my testimony with emphasis to this extent, that I have all my life been familiar with the sound of a rifleshot, and the sound I heard I thought was a rifleshot, at the time I heard it I didn't think it was a firecracker, or blowout or anything else. I thought it was a rifleshot. I have hunted enough to think that my perception with respect to directions is very, very good, and this shot I heard came from back over my right shoulder, which was in the direction of the School Book Depository, no question about it.  I heard no other.  The first and third shots came from there.  I heard no other sounds that would indicate to me there was any commotion or disturbance of shots or anything else on the overpass.

            Senator COOPER. Would you describe again the nature of the shock that you had when you felt that you had been hit by a bullet?

            Governor CONNALLY. Senator, the best way I can describe it is to say that I would say it is as if someone doubled his fist and came up behind you and just with about a 12-inch blow hit you right in the back right below the shoulder blade.

 

                                                            144

 

Page 145

 

            Senator COOPER. That is when you heard the first rifleshot?

            Governor CONNALLY. This was after I heard the first rifleshot.  There was no pain connected with it. There was no particular burning sensation.  There was nothing more than that. I think you would feel almost the identical sensation I felt if someone came up behind you and just, with a short jab, hit you with a doubled-up fist just below the shoulder blade.

            Senator COOPER. That is all.

            Mr. SPECTER. I have just one other question, Governor.  With respect to the films and the slides which you have viewed this morning, had you ever seen those pictures before this morning?

            Governor CONNALLY. I had seen what purported to be a copy of the film when I was in the hospital in Dallas . I had not seen the slides.

            Mr. SPECTER. And when do you think you were hit on those slides, Governor, or in what range of slides?

            Governor CONNALLY. We took--you are talking about the number of the slides?

            Mr. SPECTER. Yes.

            Governor CONNALLY. As we looked at them this morning, and as you related the numbers to me, it appeared to me that I was hit in the range between 130 or 131, I don't remember precisely, up to 134, in that bracket.

            Mr. SPECTER. May I suggest to you that it was 231?

            Governor CONNALLY. Well, 231 and 234, then.

            Mr. SPECTER.  The series under our numbering system starts with a higher number when the car comes around the turn, so when you come out of the sign, which was----

            Governor CONNALLY. It was just after we came out of the sign, for whatever that sequence of numbers was, and if it was 200, I correct my testimony. It was 231 to about 234. It was within that range.

            Mr. SPECTER. That is all.

            The CHAIRMAN. Are there any other questions?

            Mr. DULLES. I have one or two.  Governor, were you consulted at all about the security arrangements in connection with the Dallas visit?

            Governor CONNALLY. No, sir; not really; no, sir; and. let me add we normally are not.

            Mr. DULLES. I realize that.

            Governor CONNALLY. Mr. Dulles, the Secret Service, as you know, comes in, they work with both our department of public safety and the various city police, and the various localities in which we are going.  So far as I know, there was complete cooperation on the part of everyone concerned, but I was not consulted.

            Mr. DULLES. I think you mentioned that there was a slight change in plans before the arrival in San Antonio . I don't know whether it affects our investigation at all. Do you recall that?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes, sir; I don't know whether it--I don't think it affects the testimony at all. I was merely trying to relate some of the problems that had gone into planning a Presidential trip into four cities.

            Mr. DULLES. Yes.

            Governor CONNALLY. And trying to arrange this all initially within about a 12-hour period which had been expanded into a little more than that because the President finally agreed to come the day before, and come into San Antonio on the afternoon before the Thomas dinner on Thursday night.

            Mr. DULLES. That was the change you had in mind?

            Governor CONNALLY. This was the change. This gave us much more latitude because it permitted us to go into San Antonio , which is one of the major stops, which was the major stop, really, because he dedicated the Aerospace Medical Center on Thursday, which meant we did not have to crowd Thursday. But there was a change, but not significant to this investigation.

            Mr. DULLES. Do you happen to recall in general when the decision was reached that the visit would include a trip to Dallas , or was that always a part?

            Governor CONNALLY. I think it was always a part.

            Mr. DULLES. Of the planning?

            Governor CONNALLY. Yes; I think it was always a part. There was consideration given, if you had to leave out some place, let us leave out Dallas or let us

 

                                                            145

 

Page 146

 

leave out this one or that one, but there was no question, I don't think, in anyone's mind if we made more than one stop in the big cities that we were going to try to make them all, San Antonio, Houston, Dallas, and Fort Worth.

            Mr. DULLES. You do not recall seeing anyone approach the car outside of those who were in the procession just prior to the shooting, anyone from the sidewalk or along the street there, in the park, which was on one side?

            Governor CONNALLY. No, sir; I sure don't.

            Mr. DULLES. You and one other happen to be the only witnesses who have indicated that they recognized it as being a rifleshot. The other witness, like you, was a huntsman.  Most of the witnesses have indicated they thought it was a backfire; the first shot was a backfire or a firecracker.

            Can you distinguish, what is there that distinguishes a rifleshot from a backfire or a firecracker? Can you tell, or is it just instinct?

            Governor CONNALLY. I am not sure I could accurately describe it.  I don't know that I have ever attempted to. I would say a firecracker or a blowout has more of a hollow, bursting kind of sound, as if you popped a balloon, or something of this sort. A rifleshot, on the other hand, to me has more of a ring, kind of an echo to it, more of a metallic sound to it.  It is a more penetrating sound than a firecracker or a blowout.  It carries----

            Mr. DULLES. That gives me what I had in mind.  I realize that. That is all I have, Mr. Chief Justice.

            The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much. We are very appreciative of the help you have given us.

            Senator COOPER. May I ask just one question?

            The CHAIRMAN. We hate to have you review all of this sordid thing again.

            Senator COOPER. May I ask a rather general question? I would like to ask, in view of all the discussion which has been had, was there any official discussion of any kind before this trip of which you were aware that there might be some act of violence against the President?

            Governor CONNALLY. No, sir.

            Senator COOPER. Thank you.

            Governor CONNALLY. No; let me say that there have been several news stories----

            Senator COOPER. Yes, I know.

            Governor CONNALLY. That purportedly quoted me about not wanting the President to ride in a motorcade or caravan in Dallas .  That is very true.  But the implication was that I had some fear of his life, which is not true.

            The reason I didn't want him to do it at the time it came up was simply we were running out of time, and that, I thought, we were working him much too hard. This again was before the change, moving San Antonio to Thursday instead of having it all on one day, and I was opposed to a motorcade because they do drain energy, and it takes time to do it, and I didn't think we had the time.

            But once we got San Antonio moved from Friday to Thursday afternoon, where that was his initial stop in Texas , then we had the time, and I withdrew my objections to a motorcade.

            The CHAIRMAN. Thank you very much, Governor.

            Governor CONNALLY. Thank you, sir.


 

Why JFK went to Texas

 

Lancer `99 presentation

 

Copyright © Joseph Backes

 

 


Hello and welcome. As you may recall I gave a presentation on this topic last year. That presentation was interrupted by Jim Fetzer who had to interview Madeline Brown because of a scheduling conflict with Ms. Brown with either the 6th Floor Museum or The Conspiracy Museum, then I returned to finish. I allowed that though I was irritated by it. I thought it naturally weakened the presentation. To my surprise I heard stories that many of you were impressed with my presentation, though at the time I didn't feel as though many of you were. That's not a slight to the audience, it's naturally jarring to go from one presentation on one topic to as John Cleese might say, "And now for something completely different..."

So, I'm pleased to be back talking on this and hopefully you'll like this presentation as much if not more than last year's.

This is a large topic covering many characters. I was inspired to research this based upon a presentation George Michael Evica gave at an A.S.K. conference, I think, in `93. Several presentations went on at the same time. I went to one with Tom Wilson, and Mr. Evica gave his in another room. Fortunately, it was audiotaped so I got to listen to it later and I was greatly impressed with it, though I knew there was more to it.

Recently more information has been added to this topic. Doug Horne wrote, a memo on this.

There is much more to the story and I do go further. I am hoping to turn this into a book, someday. I've never written a book and am far from completing this or giving it to a publisher so don't anticipate it happening soon.

Due to time I want to focus on a few items of interest relating to this story.

I would advise you to listen to the tape of last years presentation as I really want to start a timeline here starting in October. I'm going to summarize a little bit to get us up to October.

Initially, JFK decides to go to Texas in the fall of 1963 to attend a dinner given in honor of Congressman Albert Thomas. I think there is universal agreement on that. However, it's still unknown exactly when the idea originated to have this dinner for Thomas and when the invitation was given to JFK. I went to the JFK Library and researched the Jerry Bruno papers. Jerry Bruno was JFK's advance man. He wrote a small book called "The Advanceman". That book, Mr. Bruno, and of course his papers at the JFK Library are essential for an understanding of this topic.

We first hear about JFK coming to Texas in an April 23rd announcement by LBJ given in Dallas for the Second Annual NASA Manned Space Flight Conference. "The April 24th, 1963 edition of the Dallas Times Herald is headlined, "LBJ sees Kennedy Dallas Visit - One Day Texas Tour Eyed."

And if you know the Adel Edison's story interesting things are already afoot by April 23.

This LBJ announcement leads me to believe that the Thomas dinner was already discussed, and agreed upon by some before April 23rd. However, I am so far unable to find any material about a Thomas dinner before April 23rd.

In the Jerry Bruno papers at the JFK Library, in the "Correspondence File" there is a written invitation sent to The White House on September 17, 1963 from Jack Valenti, a close LBJ aide, to President Kennedy. The letter states, "More than 1,000 men and women will gather in the Grand Ballroom of the Rice Motel in Houston to express their gratitude for his 26 years of service to this area and to the nation -- and to show their pleasure in Congressman Thomas' decision to stay in office and not retire."[1]

There is another letters of note in this correspondence file. One is from Conway C. Craig. He writes to President Kennedy on June 12, 1963. "In April Lyndon telephoned me and asked what I thought about the two of you visiting San Antonio on a fund raising trip. He went ahead and stated he was afraid you would not be able to come to San Antonio because you were planning on spending only one day in Texas which would include Dallas, Fort Worth and Houston."(emphasis added)[2]

This letter does not specify when in April, and may pre-date the April 23rd announcement.

While preparing this presentation and looking at this Valenti letter again I figured something important out. I'm looking for the wrong thing. I was and still am looking for all the information I can get as to when this dinner was first thought of, discussed, planned etc., right up until the moment it happened without really realizing an important context. The dinner is a celebration, a victory party for getting Thomas to stay in office. The machinations, if you will, are not so much with the dinner, and getting Kennedy to come to it though there is stuff there, but in keeping Thomas in office. This was a victory because another Congressman was also vacating his seat, there was to be a run-off election held in Austin Dec. 17th for the seat being vacated by Rep. Homer Thornberry. So it's Thomas' announcement to retire and the campaign to get him to change his mind that is important. That's why they are having a dinner for him. That's pre-April 23rd, 1963 information. And now once they are having a dinner for him that dinner is used to get JFK to Texas, then that one day-one purpose visit get's extended and we first hear talk of extending the visit with this April 23 announcement of LBJ's in the April 24th edition of the Dallas Times Herald. (See CE 1972. This is really part of an investigation of the false LHO threat to Nixon. But I don't have time to go into that.)

So who is Albert Thomas? He is the head of the Appropriations Committee in the House of Representatives. He got Kennedy's Space Program going. Thomas is why the NASA mission control is in Houston. He is a liberal and adored by Kennedy. And the feeling was reciprocated. Thomas was also dying of terminal cancer, by 1963 he had undergone 4 operations.[3] He was thinking of retiring from politics. Kennedy liked him and needed him, badly, especially in the election year of 1964.

The LBJ April 23rd announcement of a "summertime" visit by Kennedy is supposedly to coincide with LBJ's birthday. However, LBJ knows JFK's schedule and knows that JFK cannot make it. So this trick can now make the trip seem as if it is being planned or in the planning stages by Johnson and Connally, when it is already set as a one day, one purpose trip.

I think we can date the start of the changing of the trip from a one day, one visit, one purpose affair into the 2 day multi-function trip it became on or about April 23rd, 1963

Now, let's start to talk about John Connally. Connally used the campaign to become Governor as an excuse to stall the trip. It is important to understand that according to Connally "the trip" already is the 2-day trip and there is some vague conditionality to it all. Once Connally becomes Governor he complains he needs time to create a staff and pass a budget which he uses as an excuse to continue stalling the trip . This takes up the entire Texas legislative session from January to about June, 1963. Keep in mind this is Connally's version of Kennedy's trip. Kennedy is coming. He is going to Houston on November 21, 1963. Connally does nothing to plan the trip until after the legislative session ends. This is really important as October will show.

In an sense, there is no trip for Connally to plan. JFK's coming to Houston for the Thomas dinner is not the trip Connally is talking about. That trip changes into a two day, multi-function trip and it is this metamorphosis that is a cause of misunderstanding and misconception that I hope to set straight.

Connally's story is, "I had continued to ignore as best I could, the barrage of hints coming down from Washington that the President wanted a Texas pilgrimage. I was desperately trying to pay for my campaign and to rally support, and the last thing I wanted was a national foray for votes or money."[4]

There is no evidence of any "barrage of hints". The last sentence is very telling.

Why is Connally against a foray for votes? Hmm.

Now we don't really hear anything about a JFK visit to Texas until June 5th and a meeting in El Paso Texas. The Texas state legislature had just recessed. Connally tells James Reston Jr. that Kennedy proposed a summertime visit.[5]

Wait a minute. Didn't CE 1972, the April 24th, 1963 edition of the Dallas Times Herald have Johnson proposing the summertime visit? Now it's Kennedy? What is going on here? I point this out because the person who initiates the actions of various Texas planning stories changes. You must pay attention to the passive voice and to pronouns in Texas trip planning stories. Connally and LBJ want you to think the visit is to raise funds for the upcoming election.

James Reston Jr. recounts Connally's story, "Maybe Lyndon Johnson's birthday would provide the right pretext for the political fund raising. To the Texans this too was a lousy idea. Johnson said nothing, his eyes hooded and downcast.

"Well, Mr. President, I would like to think about that," Connally stalled. "You know my feelings for the Vice President. His birthday is always a time for celebration, but the very people you want to reach aren't likely to be here. Texas gets mighty hot in August. It's the worst month of the year to have a fund raising affair-for anybody. People are not interested in politics during the dog days, and I think it would be a serious mistake to come then."[6]

This El Paso meeting is kept secret. It is not reported to the media. Kennedy's appointment book records that the President, Johnson and Connally go to the Cortez Hotel arriving at 6:30 P. M. June 5, 1963 There is then the citation, "No further activity this date."[7]

William Manchester writes in his book, "Death of a President" , Connally consented to JFK's Texas trip plans at this June 5th meeting.[8]

Yet, Connally tells LIFE magazine; James Reston Jr. in "Lone Star"; and Micky Hershkowitz, Connally's co-author for his autobiography, "In History's Shadow"; a different story, that both Johnson and he are trying to stall or delay the trip.

Concede, or stall? Which is it?

The Warren Report is almost truthful about this meeting. "The three agreed that the President would come to Texas in late November 1963."[9]

The Report refers you to a deposition by Clifton C. Carter which is in volume 7 p.475. Carter is an aide to LBJ. Carter stated, "That the first tentative date was to have the trip coincide with Vice-President Johnson's birthday on August 27, but that was rejected because it was too close to Labor Day."[10]

A little different.

Carter mentions that he and Fred Korth were present when the three assembled but, "Fred Korth and I left during their discussion of the President's proposed trip."[11]

So, if he leaves the room how can he give a deposition stating what the three agreed to? He doesn't know. He wasn't there. Yet, the Warren Commission uses him as though he was and remembered it in his deposition

The last sentence of Carter's deposition states, "President Kennedy's other commitments prevented him from coming to Texas any sooner than November 21, which was the date finally set."[12] The first part of the sentence is true. This supports the idea that Kennedy is going to the Thomas dinner which was scheduled for November 21, and that that was known before the El Paso meeting June 5th. It also destroys a large chunk of the Connally-Johnson story of a "conditional" trip with an uncertain date. After the comma in the last sentence of Carter's deposition it sounds like there was some input on the decision of when President Kennedy would be coming from Johnson and Connally. Yet, this is impossible if you are aware of and know about the Thomas dinner. Also, since Carter acknowledges that President Kennedy's other commitments prevent him from coming prior to November 21 it does not make sense that President Kennedy would propose the "summertime" visit to coincide with Johnson's birthday.

I have grave doubts that there was ever such a meeting at all, and doubts that if JFK, LBJ and Connally are alone at the Cortez hotel the discussion is not what Connally and LBJ are reporting.

After the El Paso meeting there is no talk or planning for the Texas trip until September. So that's June, July, August with nothing happening.

In September some things happen. There is pressure to bracket the Thomas dinner with other events in other cities. So much is added on that it would be impossible to do in one day. Mr. Evica calls the period September 13-26 crucial for Connally to win his argument for a two day trip, not a one day visit. It is a very intense period where Connally argues the "fatigue factor". Four cities in one day would be too much for JFK. Connally doesn't want Kennedy to be "fatigued" by meeting the liberals in those other cities. Kennedy wants to meet the people. Connally does not want that, Connally only wants JFK to meet certain select business people.

Again there is a Dallas Times Herald newspaper article. This is dated September 13, 1963 This becomes Commission Exhibit 1366. "Still in the talking stage, the presidential trip would be a one day affair, with a breakfast speech in Dallas, a luncheon in Fort Worth, an afternoon coffee in San Antonio and a dinner in Houston."

Now notice how little has changed from the April 23 announcement by Johnson. Notice these are Dallas papers. As in the April 23 announcement Dallas is mentioned first, then in the headline, now as the starting point with a breakfast. Notice please where the breakfast is scheduled to be, and where the luncheon is scheduled to be. They'll switch locations and there's a story in that.

The "Still in the talking stage," is a cover story. The article says, "No date has been set." Obviously, not true. The "talking stage" refers to getting a two day comitment from the White House not in regards to if the trip will happen at all.

Then the article tells us something important, "Reports here, however, indicate that some Texas leaders facing reelection are less than enthusiastic about a presidential visit fearful that it could damage individual races within the state." Now we are starting to get a big clue. Connally is a Texas leader facing reelection.

Why? What's going on in Texas? What's the political climate?

Now let's get to October. Sometime between September 26 and October 4th a two day trip is agreed to.

Connally meets with the Dallas Citizens Council on October 2nd. According to Reston, "Now at the Adolphus Hotel, Connally virtually apologized to the Dallas leadership for the President's insistence on coming to Texas and to Dallas. Since he could not prevent it altogether, he could prevent it from being a liberal love feast. `I don't intend to default to the liberals,' Connally told the group. `I've got to have a non-political body to represent Dallas, and you gentlemen are it by your associations.' "[13]

He has got to be kidding. By 1963 the Dallas Citizen's Council has been controlling the city for 40 years. The Dallas Citizens Council has not supported the Democratic ticket for President since F.D.R., and that was FDR's first bid for the White House in 1932! They did not support FDR in '36, '40 or '44. They did not support Kennedy in 1960. Little has happened to them to change their minds to support him now. And what a perverse corupt use of the language too, "Citizen's Council" indeed. They are made up of the head of the Mercantile Bank, the oldest bank in Dallas, and the executives from the two Dallas newspapers. Manchester lists those in attendance of this meeting as J. Eric Jonsson, chairman of the powerful Citizen's Council, Robert Collum, president of the Chamber of Commerce, R. L. Thornton, chairman of the Mercantile National Bank, Joe Dealey, son of Ted Dealey, publisher of the Dallas Morning News and Albert Jackson of the Dallas Times Herald.14

Connally meets with the Texas Congressional delegation on October 3rd where there is a classic confrontation between Connally and Henry Gonzalez. Connally, "Fellows, the reason I'm here is that I'm meeting with the President in a few hours about his trip to Texas. I don't know what to say. They are going to want me to tell them where and when and how to get money in Texas for the party. Now I've made a few calls around and, frankly, the people who are supporting John Kennedy in Texas are not the ones with money."[15]

Connally continues, "I think [the trip] is a mistake. You know the people who are for Kennedy are the people without money. I've checked with businessmen, and they aren't about to contribute-"

Gonzalez was already mad that San Antonio was only going to get a few hours of Kennedy's time when it was the only major Texas city that went for Kennedy in `60. Gonzalez was a true liberal and hated John Connally's guts. It was mutual between them. Upon hearing this story from Connally he rises to the occasion and says, "Just a minute, Governor, whom did you call in San Antonio because I know some people in San Antonio who support the President. If you've called the one you have been appointing, Governor, they're all Republicans! I'll get you businessmen. You may not like them, though, because they won't support you."[16]

Democratic governor John Connally, appointing Republicans? What's this?

Governor Connally meets with JFK in Washington, D.C. on October 4th 1963.

There are several different versions of this October 4th meeting. Most of these differing version come from Connally.

First, the Warren Commission version. "Finally in the fall of 1963 it was decided that he definitely should come, or should come in the fall of last year (`63) as opposed to waiting until this year, (`64) when his appearance might have more political overtones.

"So I came up, I have forgotten the exact date (October 4th) around the middle of October and talked to him about it, discussed the details, asked him what he would like to do.

"He said he would like to do whatever he could do that was agreeable with me: it was agreeable with me that he more or less trust me to plan the trip for him, to tell him where he would like to go. About that time some thought was being given to having four fund raising dinners. His attitude on that was that he wouldn't prefer that. He felt that the appearance would not be too good, that he would much prefer to have one if we are going to have any. I told him this was entirely consistent with my own thoughts. We ought not to have more than one fund raising dinner. If we did it ought to be in Austin. If we could do it, I would like for him to see and get into as many areas of the state as possible while he was there."[17]

Now there are some problems here. Mr. Evica correctly points out that if you know anything about the language when you hear the passive voice begin to suspect what is going on. Notice how Connally is vague about who proposed the fund raising, there is just "some thought" being given to it. Notice how this story is told. Notice how first JFK rejects the four fund raising dinners idea and Connally agrees with JFK's rejection.

On the same page Connally admits, "He on his own, had made a commitment to go to the dinner for Congressman Thomas, which was being given the night of the 21st in Houston."[18]

There it is! So Connally finally acknowledges that JFK on his own, was coming to Texas on Nov. 21 and it was planed long ago.

Now there is no mention of the Albert Thomas dinner in the Warren Commission Report on pages 28-29 under the heading "Planning the Texas trip"

as there should be.

Second version, LIFE magazine November 24, 1967 where Connally is prominently displayed on the cover. The headline, "A Contribution To History, Governor Connally sets the record straight on the fateful visit, WHY KENNEDY WENT TO TEXAS."

"How about those fund raising affairs in Texas, John?"

"Mr. President, I said, we can have four separate affairs, but I think it would be a very serious mistake." He didn't answer immediately and I went right on. "In the first place I don't think four will raise appreciably more money than one properly organized affair-certainly not enough for the political cost to you. You haven't made a real visit to Texas-except El Paso-since you became President. You've made no speeches and no appearances. If you come down there and try to have fund raising affairs in four cities in one trip, they are going to think that you are trying to rape the state." I used just those words

"I'm inclined to agree with you, " the President said.

Notice again the passive voice.

"Mr. President," I said, "what really do you want to do on this trip?"

Connally goes on to say that Kennedy wanted to meet the people that had opposed him so sharply."[19]

Now we have a change from Connally's Warren Commission version of the October 4th meeting. Now it is JFK who wants the fund raising, Connally who first objects, then JFK agrees with Connally's objection. Notice the reversal? Connally cleverly alters the story of Kennedy's desire to meet the people to Kennedy wants to meet the people who opposed him, who coincidentally would be the people voting for Connally.

Connally tells LIFE magazine, "I had a strong conviction that if the business community of Texas could see President Kennedy in the flesh and talk to him, it would find quickly enough that he was no extremist"[20]

This version, as well as most of the whole article, is repeated nearly verbatim in Connally's autobiography "In History's Shadow".

3rd version, this time to James Reston jr. in "Lone Star".

"The president still had his heart set on four or five fund raisers. Apparently, Lyndon Johnson had made no effort to dissuade him. Connally was prepared.

"Mr. President, I think that is a mistake," he said emphatically. "We want the money, yes, but we also need to position you in such a way that you are going to politically benefit from it, and it doesn't look like all you're interested in is the money of the state. Frankly, if you come down and we try to get on five fund raising events in the principal cities of Texas, people are going to think that all you are interested in is the financial rape of the state."[21]

Again, Kennedy is in the passive voice.

The dates are set, yet Connally uses the phrase, "if you come down". There is no iffyness about it.

Connally also takes great pleasure in using the word "rape" in recounting this story.

Johnson is mentioned although in passing. LBJ is now given the role of having to dissuade JFK from the fund raising idea. Does Connally think Johnson is going to take orders from him? Who gave Johnson this role? Connally is getting a little carried away with the passive voice.

Connally also uses this false fund raising story to make Kennedy sound like a complete idiot incapable of organizing, hosting, or even showing up at a political event without Connally's expert , professional, political judgment to guide him.

Makes you wonder how JFK ever became President in the first place.

4th version, The Connally story of the October 4th meeting changes again in the book "Death of a President" by William Manchester. Remember, according to the last version LBJ was to "dissuade" JFK against the fund raising. "At first the Vice President was an enthusiastic advocate of fund-raising. Recently a Massachusetts banquet had raised $680,000 for the party. His pride in Texas has been challenged, and despite emphatic denials from the White House the rumor persisted that Kennedy would cut him from the `64 ticket. Johnson's own radar had picked up a few alarming blips. Determined to prove that his determination was still strong, he had proposed four Texas banquets where the faithful would demonstrate their loyalty to Kennedy and Johnson by emptying their pockets into next year's war chest."[22]

So finally we have someone who proposed the fund raising, Johnson, though we were told it was Kennedy, but Kennedy's "attitude" was against it, according to Connally's original Warren Commission testimony and Connally agreed with JFK's "attitude", but Lyndon at Connally's request was to "dissuade" Kennedy who was for it, so Connally at LBJ's urging had to meet Kennedy on October 4th, after meeting with the Dallas Citizen's Council on the 2nd, and the Texas Congressional delegation in Washington on the 3rd to object to the fund raising plans and Kennedy agreed while Connally was there to originate the idea that Kennedy should come to Texas in the first place.

Confused yet? Wait it gets better. Let's give LBJ a chance.

According to LBJ in his book, "President Kennedy came to Texas to raise money for the Democratic campaign coffers and to pave the way for a Democratic victory in Texas in 1964. The President hoped to raise several thousand dollars in Texas. President Kennedy also came to Texas to try to shore up our (emphasis added; notice those pesky pronouns) slipping popularity there. A Texas poll, taken a few weeks before his trip, showed that only 38 per cent of the people approved of what he was doing as President. (Notice how our becomes he.) The same poll showed Governor Connally with an 81 per cent approval. The fact is that Governor Connally was more in tune with the prevailing political thinking in Texas."[23]

Don't believe it. The liberal wing of the Texas Democratic party was rising in strength. So if anyone was prevailing it was them. Johnson doesn't tell you if the Democratic victory Kennedy is paving the way for is meant to include Johnson and Connally. You are just supposed to believe that the Democrats are one big happy family and a victory for the party is a victory for all.

However, wasn't there a feud within the Texas Democratic party? Wasn't this one of the reasons given by Johnson and Connally about why Kennedy had to go to Texas?

Johnson continues, "He wanted to come to large Texas cities. The President had originally wanted to come on my birthday August 27. He suggested this date to Governor Connally and me in June 1963 at the Cortez Hotel in El Paso, where we met following a visit to the missile range at White Sands, New Mexico. He suggested...we hold a series of four fund raising dinners. Connally opposed that plan. `You won't be able to get a crowd. They will think you only came here to get their money.' Connally suggested a single fund raising dinner in Austin and a series of non-political appearances in the other four cities- `at the proper time' President Kennedy reluctantly agreed to this suggestion and postponed the trip."[24]

Bull. The Houston dinner for Congressman Albert Thomas was set for November 21. Cliff Carter has told us that Kennedy cannot come until then. So the second day of a two day trip would have to be November 22. All the talk of postponement is a cover story. Johnson and Connally know that JFK cannot have a two day trip until Nov. 22. This is what they want. Talk of postponement is placed on Connally's shoulders which masks Johnson's involvement in the trip planning. Now it is made to look like Kennedy postponed the trip awaiting Johnson and Connally clearance for "the proper time". The proper time becomes the only time it can be November 22. The whole point of this charade is to get Kennedy to commit to a two day trip.

Johnson also wrote, "The following October President Kennedy met with Governor Connally in Washington and they agreed on the November date."[25]

The problem with that is they already agreed to it.

Didn't anyone in the Kennedy camp say anything about this October 4th meeting? Yes, Evelyn Lincoln did.

"Connally came to Washington to see Mr. Kennedy just three days before Bobby Baker resigned. His main purpose was to urge the President to come to Texas to help bring the feuding factions together.

"After he left I remember what Mr. Kennedy said, `He sure seemed anxious for me to go to Texas. He attracts some people-money people who would never vote for me, but I have many supporters down there who are bitterly opposed to him. I think in the long run it would be more advantageous to him than for me. The one thing I noticed above everything else was his concern about Lyndon being on the ticket."[26]

Governor Connally says repeatedly that the trip dates are still not set as of October 4th, 1963.

The House Select Committee on Assassinations was somewhat on the ball here. Buried in volume 11 in an appendix called "Politics and Presidential Protection: the Motorcade" on page 510 is the following, "The specific dates of the trip had been resolved prior to this October meeting." This is very important because Connally said otherwise to the Warren Commission and to the House Select Committee on Assassinations. In fact, the HSCA acknowledged that Connally lied under oath to them! "Although in testimony Connally stated he had no specific recollection of having known prior to October that November 21 and 22 were the selected dates for the Texas visit, he did acknowledge that he must have known."[27]

Neat way to get away with perjury, don't you think? And for the HSCA to acknowledge that someone lied to them under oath.

The October 4th meeting is where "officially" Connally originates the idea for JFK to come to Texas. Anyone have a problem with that? Remember the dates, April 23 LBJ's announcement, which appears in The Dallas Times Herald newspaper on April 24th, which is written up in an FBI report which becomes CE 1972, the June 5th El Paso meeting, September 13 and 26, more newspaper accounts which become CE 1367 and CE 1368, Connally's meeting with the Dallas citizens council on October 1, 1963, and with the Texas congressional delegation on October 2nd, 1963, yet, Connally would have the world believe that he originated the idea for JFK to come to Texas on October 4th, 1963 and since the date/dates, is/are tentative to please come to Texas, Mr. President.

Now something that has to be stressed is that LBJ throughout this whole history of the "official" story of why JFK came to Texas acts like he is left out of the Texas trip planning. Reston writes, "When his (Connally's) meeting with the President was scheduled two weeks before, the White House had specifically requested Connally to keep it confidential from Lyndon Johnson. That had surprised the Governor, and he was doubly surprised when Johnson was absent from the Oval office.

"That evening, Connally went out to the Elms in northwest Washington to have dinner with the Johnson's, bracing himself.

"I suppose you think I don't have any interest in what happens in Texas?"

"No, Lyndon," Connally replied stiffly. "I know you are extremely interested in what is happening in Texas."

"Why didn't you tell me?" Johnson demanded.

"I assumed you knew I was going to see the president,"Connally replied.

"After all, its not my prerogative to say who is in that Oval Office. I assumed that if the president wanted you there, you would be there."[28]

The same story is told from Kenny O'Donnell's viewpoint in "Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye". "Johnson was furious because Connally had not bothered to invite him to that White House meeting with the President."[29]

However, there is no mention by O'Donnell that President Kennedy expressly told Connally not to invite Johnson.

There is an interesting bit of information in CE 2960. After Connally visits with JFK at the White House, he goes to the Pentagon. I think that is very interesting. This is never mentioned with regard to what happened on October 4th despite the many different versions of the meeting between Connally and JFK on this date. Connally meets with Secretary of Defense McNamara and Deputy Secretary Roswell Gilpatric Even Evica did not catch this. The Dallas Morning News article says Connally, "carried with him data showing a decline in prime military contracts in Texas from 1958 to 1962."[30]

Did this actually happen? Did these three actually meet? Could someone else or others have been there? Did they talk about anything else?

Is it not damn interesting that after this meeting with JFK, the context of which is heavily lied about after the fact, Connally then goes to the Pentagon and meets with Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara and Under Secretary of Defense Roswell Gilpatric and ends the evening meeting with LBJ?

I think there is another way of looking at Connally's meeting with LBJ the night of October 4th. I think Connally reported to LBJ. I think it's more of "Everything is going according to plan, sir." I think LBJ is being briefed.

I want to explain that. I do not believe this is a assassination conspiracy talk Connally and LBJ have the night of October 4th. It's definitely a political talk about controling JFK for this Texas trip. I think that is obvious and provable.

Connally and LBJ's political lives are at stake. It could be an assassination plot discussion, in fact most of these machinations could be seen that way. However, I cannot prove that is the reason for any of the manipulative actions Connally, LBJ and others take. I can prove and reintroduce politics to the story of the Texas trip. The political differences between JFK, LBJ and Connally have been totally whitewashed out of the picture. It is well past the time politics was put back in.

The idea that President Kennedy conspired to keep LBJ out of the White House and ignorant of a meeting between himself and Governor Connally is ludicrous. If Connally is originating the idea of JFK coming to Texas at this meeting, and President Kennedy is ignorant of that prior to the meeting, then why are they meeting? And how could JFK think to exclude Johnson if Connally requested the meeting and he (Connally) is there to "originate" the idea of the trip in the first place? It doesn't make sense. It implies JFK requested the meeting. That's highly improbable given Evlyn Lincoln's account of this meeting.

Of note is the fact that LBJ meets with Kennedy on October 4th between 6:50 and 7:10 p.m according to Kennedy's appointment book. I hardly think it was anything like, "Oh by the way Lyndon, Connally was here and we discussed the trip." I hardly think LBJ is so out of the loop as he pretends to be.

Another take on this is even if JFK really wanted Connally to keep LBJ ignorant of whatever happened at this meeting Connally could certainly tell LBJ at dinner. Also, LBJ is close to Valenti who's the chair of the Thomas dinner committee. So LBJ's got it covered. Both "trips" are created by people damn close to LBJ. The "exclusion" of LBJ is a fiction. LBJ wasn't at the meeting because he didn't want to be.

At this time in October there are major concerns by Johnson about staying on the ticket. According to Evelyn Lincoln, that's what JFK and Connally really discussed.

There are five scandals going on at the same time, all being investigated concurrently, any one of which threaten to engulf Johnson, Bobby Baker; Billy Sole Estes; The TFX fighter jet defense contract which involves Fred Korth, Secretary of the Navy, who was Connally's successor to that post, Korth resigned because of this scandal; Jack Halfen a mafia bag man working for Carlos Marcello, who gave huge sums to certain Texas politicians, notably Albert Thomas and Senator Lyndon Johnson; and Don Reynolds' knolwedge of judges being bought in Texas and how that directly relates to LBJ All were heating up in October.

Bobby Baker resigned on October 1st.

Billy Sol Estes amassed a $200 million dollar empire on grain storage contracts and cotton payments. In the early 1960's cotton production was strictly controlled by the Agriculture Dept. in order to reduce surplus crops. Billy Sol used the Agriculture Dept's own regulations against them. There were investigaitons and an Agriculture official, Henry Wallace was killed.

The TFX scandal is a major investigation. There are several large volumes on this investigation in any good federal depository library.

Jack Halfen, from John Davis' "Mafia Kingfish", "The growth of the Marcello's power in Texas during the late forties and throughout the fifties would not have been possible without the cooperation of important Texas politicians. This cooperation had been secured by Carlos Marcellos' Texas bag man John Halfen whose special job it had been to funnel a percentage of the Marcellos' illegal Texas profits to the political campaigns of such Texas politicios as Houston congressman Albert Thomas...and U.S. Senator Lyndon B. Johnson." Davis comments that there was a thick file on Attorney General RFK's desk detailing the Marcello-Halfen-Johnson connections, as well as Bobby Baker's dealings with organized crime

Now remember Connally did nothing to plan the visit while the Texas state legislature was in session? Well, there's a reason for that, something interesting was going on in Texas politics. George H.W. Bush, yes, the former President, filed suit against Crawford Martin, the Secretary of State of the state of Texas, John Connally, and Waggoner Carr, Attorney General of the state of Texas accusing the statute apportioning congressional districts as being unconstitutional.

Guess when this suit was filled? April 23rd, 1963.

On October 19th a Federal district court found that all of Texas' Congressional Districts were unconstitutional. This changes things dramatically in Texas. All elections were to be held at large.

In Federal Supplement 224 on page 499 is George H. W. Bush et. al., Plaintiffs vs. Crawford Martin, Secretary of State of the State of Texas, Waggoner Carr, Attorney General of the State of Texas, John Connally, Governor of the State of Texas et. al., Defendants. Civ. A. No. 63-H-226 United States District Court S.D. Texas Houston Division October 19th, 1963.[31]

A three judge panel found "that Texas statute apportioning congressional districts was invidiously discriminatory and unconstitutional and its enforcement would be enjoined," but that was to be postponed to allow defendants to apply for a state of decree from a circuit justice, the Supreme Court, or another justice as other apportionment cases were pending.

I want to stress that. "Other apportionment cases were pending," in the federal courts. Keep that in mind as we look at this case.

President Kennedy was well aware of how he was short changed in votes across the country and how Rayburn-Johnson-Connally controlled the state of Texas. O'Donnell writes in "Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye" on page 2, "That morning when he came aboard Air Force One, he tucked into the edge of the mirror in his dressing room a card with three figures that he would use to needle the Democratic leaders in Texas. The figures reminded him that in 1960 the Kennedy-Johnson margin in Texas over Nixon-Lodge was only 46,233 votes, but Johnson, also running alone in another slot on the ticket for U.S. Senator against Republican John G. Tower, had a plurality of 379,972, while Price Daniel, the Democratic candidate for governor in the same election, won by 1,024,792. The President was going to do some sharp talking in Texas about the big difference between his own vote and those of the other Democratic candidates."

Connally did get a stay from Justice Hugo Black of the Supreme court until the Supreme Court could hear the case.[32]

The court further found, "invidious discrimination in congressional or legislative apportionments is something more than numerical disparity and the problem is more profound than that of arithmetic."[33]

- "Injunctive relief against only portions of unconstitutional Texas statute apportioning state into congressional districts would be unworkable and unjust to alleviate startling discrimination it was necessary to reapportion state as whole."[34]

- "There was no basis for courts staying hand of equity to enjoin enforcement of unconstitutional congressional apportionment statute on ground that relief could be obtained elsewhere, but having known from April to October that attack was being made and being aware of failure of legislature to take any effective action towards its correction, state-official defendants were not in position to advance as basis for positioning judicial relief appealing defense : Let Us Work This Out."[35]

-"...unless state were reapportioned congressional candidates would be elected at large."[36]

- "testimony from defendants, "does not reflect any historic, geographic, economic or sociological justifications for the disparity in the population of the respective congressional districts. The disparity is indeed spectacular."[37]

- "...simple constitutional fact is that so far as standard of composition of Congress is concerned,...members of Congress are to be elected on basis of population and nothing else."[38]

Now according to statistical information stipulated as true and accurate by both parties the disparity, "runs from a low of 216,371 for District 4 to 951,527 for adjoining District 5. Not surprisingly, the marked excesses over the state average (between 415,000 to 435,000) are found primarily in the ever expanding metropolitan areas of (can you guess?) Houston, Dallas, San Antonio, and Ft. Worth."[39]

What a coincidence, those are the cities mentioned by LBJ in his April 23, 1963 announcement and April 23, 1963 is also the day this case was brought to court by George Bush.

Charts on p. 505 clearly show the willful dilution and suppression of the people.

 

District County Metropolitan Area Population

5 Dallas Dallas 951,527

8 Harris Houston 568,193

22 Harris Houston 674,965

12 Tarrant Fort Worth 538,495

20 Bexar San Antonio 687,151

 

- In this malapportionment, Texas, with its District No. 5 (Dallas metropolitan area), has the distinction of the largest single Congressional District in the Nation.

Now, remember, District 4 with a population of only 216,371 is given 1 Congressman. Let's do some math. If we are to use 216,371 as a standard to equal 1 Congressman, giving Connally a dose of his own medicine, then there should be an additional 15 Congressmen from Texas from these 4 major metropolitan areas alone. (3,420, 331 divided by 216,371 = 15.8) If we use the low end of the state average, 415,000 then we get 8 Congressmen. If we use the higher end number, 435,000, then we get 7.

There should have been anywhere from 7 to 15 additional congressmen representing the state of Texas in 1960!

The apportionment Act under attack by this suit was Art. 197a, Tex. Civ. Stat. Ann,. This Act split former district 8 into district 8 and district 22. This was noted by the court as the only significant change in apportionment addressed by the Act.

- "This left Dallas county the target of greatest discrimination, the effect of which has only gotten worse as time, tide, population explosions and shifts go on."[40]

"But the disparity is not confined to the cities. Districts 14, 15, and 16 are aggregations of large areas and large numbers of people."[41]

 

District Population

14 539,262

15 515,716

16 573,438

 

So, there are is suppressed vote and possible extra congressmen from the country areas too.

Now who would these new congressmen be loyal to? To which political party would they come from? Not the conservative Democrats! The conservative Democrats are Connally people who have been repressing the vote Republicans? Maybe. They brought the lawsuit Mostly likely liberal Democrats, they were the ones who were rising in strength. They were the ones whose numbers were denied. They were the ones who could have taken over the state legislature and thus redrawn the districts and their hero JFK was coming to Texas, and they knew JFK was coming to Texas since the day the suit was filled!

If the liberal Democrats took control of the state legislature they would not be beholden to the extant congressional districts. They could make as many as they wanted.

Another factor was the poll tax. A liberal-labor coalition was working hard to repeal it. "Poll tax repeal had been indorsed by all major political figures of both parties, by most Texas newspapers, by the League of Women voters and other civic groups. Yet, it lost by a margin of almost 3 to 2.

"In characteristic fashion, coalition leaders blamed the Connally conservatives for sabotaging poll tax repeals while the conservatives claimed the liberals unwittingly defeated it by advertising it as the key to a liberal takeover.

"Now the Democrats have only until the end of January to persuade thousands of potential Kennedy supporters among the Negroes and Mexicans to pay their poll taxes."[42]

October brought even more bad news to Connally. Kennedy had given the go ahead to a full investigation into the Bobby Baker affair until it reached its ultimate end.

Also on October 19th, the same day a three panel Federal court ruled all Texas Congressional districts were unconstitutional, there was a major dinner for Senator Ralph Yarborough. Those present at this dinner and saluting Yarborough were, Congressman Jack Brooks, Congressman Henry Gonzalez, Senator Olin D. Johnston from South Carolina, Senator Lee Matcalf from Montana, Senator Ernest Gruening from Alaska, Senator Daniel K. Inouye from Hawaii, and Senator Frank Church from Idaho. Letters of appreciation, reproduced in the program, were sent by, Senator Mike Mansfield of Montana, Senator Hubert Humphrey the Senate's Majority Whip, Senator Warren G. Magnuson, Chairman of the Senate Commerce Committee, Senator Lester Hill, Chairman of the Labor and Public Welfare Committee, and a letter from Senator Edward Kennedy.

Highlighting the bill was a filmed message from President Kennedy, part of which said, "My fellow Democrats, this is a time when all of us who believe in government for the people, who believe in progress for our country, who believe in a fair chance for all of our citizens, who believe in the growth of Texas, who believe in the development of the United States, who believe in a strong United States as a great bulwark for freedom, who believe in a United States which is second to none in space, on the sea, on the land, a United States that stands for progress-all of those-I think Ralph Yarborough stands with them."[43]

Lyndon Johnson did not attend this dinner. Neither did Connally.

October 20, 1963 Jerry Bruno learns the President is going to Texas. On October 24, 1963 Jerry Bruno meets with Walter Jenkins, at the request of Kenny O'Donnell. Jenkins is LBJ's administrative assistant. Jenkins was to brief Bruno on the politics of the trip. Bruno writes, "It was like listening to somebody talking all about an incurable disease. What we had was a governor, John Connally, who was the leader of the conservative Texas Democrats: oil money, corporate leaders, some rural "redneck" strength. On the other side was Senator Ralph Yarborough, a Southern liberal, supported by labor (which was liberal in Texas), blacks, Latin Americans, and intellectuals.

"They hated each other."[44]

O'Donnell described Connally to Bruno, "You're dealing with an arrogant guy here."[45]

Bruno went to see Yarborough on October 28, 1963. Yarborough, "described how Connally and Johnson were screwing him; worse, he said, they'd be after John Kennedy in a minute if they thought they could get away with it politically."46

Bruno then goes to Texas. He had arranged to meet with Connally's people that night and with Yarborough's people the next morning. However, word of this leaked and both factions showed up to meet Bruno at the airport. Chuck Caldwell, Yarborough's man, is there to meet Bruno. Cliff Carter, Johnson's man, is there to meet Bruno. Bruno rides into town with Carter. According to Bruno's diary, "I got into Carter's car and we drove to the Driskill Hotel in Austin and we were invited up to Johnson's suite for a drink."

One of the problems Connally was facing was a gubernatorial primary against Don Yarborough. This Yarborough was a friend of Senator Ralph Yarborough but not related. Connally wanted President Kennedy to stop Don Yarborough from running against him.

The next morning the fun really started.

October 29, Bruno meets with Hank Brown, president of the AFL/CIO, obviously not a Connally supporter. Brown promised a labor contact in each city and warned that Connally would try to run the show.

Bruno meets with people from the State Democratic Committee. These people are, "-solid Connally people- and the proposed schedule they showed me was as if all of Yarborough's supporter's had moved to Alaska.

"There were meetings with nobody but the Connally wing. If there was a black spokesman, it was Connally's house black. The same with labor. The same with Latin Americans. And when I said something about that, I got a really heartening answer.

`You're coming into Texas,' the spokesman said, `and Connally is the governor.'

`Yes,' I said, `but there's somebody above even the governor, and that's the President of the United States.'"[47]

Connally was trying to, as Evica noted, present himself as the man for all the people, and Bruno saw right through it.

Immediately afterwards Bruno meets with Yarborough's people. Bruno admits he was mostly on their side as the Yarborough people did not want to control events just to get a piece of the action. Bruno ponders, "I think it must have been that meeting, and my sense that I didn't like what the Connally people were going to do, that put my back up for the meeting I then had with Governor Connally."[48]

This meeting takes place at the Forty Acres Club in Austin. "It was a really friendly atmosphere. Connally was at the head of a long conference table. He's a tall handsome guy, and he was wearing cowboy boots. He really looked the part. All around him on either side of the table were his aides. And I was sitting there, by myself, bootless, about eight feet shorter than he was. At one point they brought in lunch: a juicy steak for Connally, a sandwich for me. And I'll tell you, if you've spend most of your life working with your hands, you know what they are trying to do with a move like that."[49]

Bruno continues, "As we sat there, Connally began outlining the schedule for Kennedy's trip. It was firm, he kept insisting; it was his state and if the President didn't like it, he could stay home. That really made me feel good."[50]

In his diary Bruno writes that Connally said, "Either we select the stops and run the trips or the President can stay home. We don't want him."[51]

Reston, in "The Lone Star" corroborates, "In their private dinning room, only a few bites into the appetizer, Connally made it manifestly clear that he and only he was going to run this show. He presented Bruno with the president's itinerary as a fait accompli . `It's going to be my way or no way,' Connally announced. `This is it or he can stay home."[52]

Bruno replied with his standard answer for dealing with difficult people, "I just want to tell you one thing, Governor, he's the President. I'm here to get everyone's recommendations, and I'll forward them to the White House. But they'll decide."[53]

Reston writes that, "Bruno wasn't prepared for quite this level of high-handedness, and he grew more unsettled as he looked over the schedule Connally gave him. It was not well worked out."[54]

And Bruno's response, "unhinged Connally. Leaping out of his chair, the governor strode to a telephone in the corner of the room, picked it up, and in a loud voice demanded to be connected with the White House."[55] (emphasis added)

Bruno's version; (Connally speaking) "Get me the White House.' Then we all waited. `Get me Kenny O'Donnell.' Then he started talking about the entire schedule: here's what's going to happen in Houston, here's what we'll do in San Antonio. Then we wait. `Fine, fine, I'll get back to you,' Connally said. And he came back to the table and started in, saying, This is what we want him to do."[56]

According to Reston, Connally said, "It's all confirmed," he said. "This is the itinerary" Bruno wondered why he had come at all.[57]

Bruno writes in his diary that Connally never told O'Donnell that he was in the room at any point during the phone conversation. O'Donnell's response to Connally was, "Wait until Bruno gets there and work out the details."[58]

Evica points out that the conversation was faked. It was. Initially, I thought Connally is not really talking to anyone, that the only thing he is hearing is dial tone, that the call itself was faked. I wanted to know if the phone call took place at all. I went to the JFK Library and looked up the Telephone Memorandum File for October 29, 1963. Sure enough at 3:20 P.M. EST Washington, D.C. time, 2:20 P.M. CST Austin, Texas time, there is logged a phone call from Gov. John Connally, Austin, Texas opr21-Gr23191. It is logged as answered at 3:36 P.M., a mere 16 minutes later. Someone moved quickly.

It was not the call that was faked. It is the conversation that Connally would make you believe he is having with O'Donnell that is faked. The call was made as I found the documentation for it. What Connally says happened between himself and O'Donnell, namely that O'Donnell confirmed Connally's schedule for President Kennedy, is total bull.

Bruno, tragically, writes, "I learned only later-a lot later, when it didn't make any difference-that Kenny had told him the same thing I had, that it was the White House that would make any final decision."[59]

Reston writes parenthetically, "In fact, O'Donnell had not confirmed the Connally schedule at all."[60] Why Reston puts that in parenthesis escapes me. It is very important to acknowledge Connally's chicanery.

This luncheon episode is crucially important. It proves Governor Connally is calling the shots, placing great political and personal pressure on anyone who wants President Kennedy to plan his own trip. It shows Connally lies.

At this luncheon Bruno is led to believe that President Kennedy is to receive an honorary degree at Texas Christian University. This is the most crucial aspect of Connally's manipulation. Reston writes that Connally broached the idea with the TCU president who liked the idea. "It provided a dignified event for Connally's hometown, and it became the raison d' etre for the Ft. Worth stop. Connally had promised the honor to Kennedy at the White House, [on October 4th perhaps?] and Kennedy was pleased, since the conferring of a degree by a bedrock Protestant university would further bury the fears of the South over a Catholic president. To Bruno at lunch, the event was presented as a done deal. As a scheduling matter, this would work well. The degree ceremony was to be in midmorning, and the presidential caravan would motor the thirty miles to Dallas for the President's speech to Dallas businessmen. It was unlikely, under this plan, that there would be time for a motorcade through downtown Dallas, but if there was, it would follow a fairly direct course."[61]

Bruno writes in his diary on October 29, 1963, "That the only difference between Connally's proposed stops and the actual schedule was that the President would not be given an honorary degree by Texas Christian University at 9:30 A.M. Nov. 22," and thus the "travel by car from Fort Worth to Dallas" had to be canceled.[62]

Do you see how important the planned honorary degree would have been?

"As the planning went forward, Bruno got a call from Connally. He's sorry but TCU had decided against conferring the degree."[63] Connally then gives a phony story about university rules and regulations, claiming that the faculty and student senate would have to approve the degree and that there was not enough time for such deliberations. Connally also claimed that the elders and the sticklers within the university administration were concerned that a bad precedent might be set if the rules were skirted just for the President of the United States.

Bruno knew better. Connally himself said it was a done deal and offered the degree a month earlier. In his HSCA executive session testimony Bruno states that Walter Jenkins' list of proposed stops included Fort Worth, Texas Christian University.[64]

What was the real reason?

"Well, he's a Catholic, you know,' Connally told Bruno."[65]

Bruno is pissed. There is now no reason to go to Ft. Worth. Connally calls back to announce that the Ft. Worth Chamber of Commerce would like to give the President a breakfast.

"Instead of a leisurely sleep over in Houston after a testimonial dinner for Congressman Albert Thomas, the President would now have to fly to Ft. Worth near midnight so he could be ready for the hastily pasted-up breakfast. More important, there were now two hours in the late morning that needed to be filled. To kill time rather than save it, it was decided that Kennedy would fly from Ft. Worth to Dallas all the motion to and from airports would consume the dead space in the schedule. From the Dallas airport to the luncheon speech, the motorcade route was redrawn-and lengthened - through Dealey Plaza."[66] (emphasis added)

I believe the TCU honorary degree was never meant to be. I believe it's sole purpose was to have it in the schedule only so that it could be yanked and thus creating a hole in the itinerary. This creates a last minute change in the president's schedule and thus nearly guaranteeing a motorcade through downtown Dallas. To me this is the most sinister aspect to Connally's manipulation of the travel plans.

The House Select Committee on Assassination in volume 11, in the aptly named "Politics and Presidential Protection: The Motorcade" p. 513-4 writes about the planned Texas Christian University Appearance. This is an appendix staff report called "Politics and Presidential Protection: The Motorcade". In his testimony to the HSCA Governor Connally, "did not specify whose idea it was to have the President appear at Texas Christian University."[67]

Connally is lying, again. He is the one who originated the idea.

Bruno first learned of the TCU award from Walter Jenkins on October 24.[68]

The minutes of the meeting of the Board of Trustees of TCU[69] reference something, "Concerning a special item presented by Chancellor Sadler on the recommendation of the University council, ...that TCU tender its facilities to the governor of Texas and the City of Ft. Worth, either the stadium or the Coliseum as weather might dictate, for the purpose of extending a warm invitation to the President of the United States to speak on the TCU campus during his visit to Texas in November. Motion passed."[70]

The HSCA surmised that the minutes suggest Chancellor Sadler originated the idea, "but no specific identification of the original proponents of the TCU appearance is made."[71]

Sam P. Woodson jr., who was present at the Nov. 1, 1963 meeting told the HSCA that Governor Connally proposed the idea to Chancellor Sadler.

Sadler repeats Connally's excuse about normal procedures, but adds a special twist, "because of the belief that the governor was trying to manipulate the Board at the expense of democratic university procedures it was decided that normal procedures should be maintained...,"[72] and thus the honorary degree idea was rejected.

Don't you love this? Connally's manipulation of democratic procedures is the reason why the award was canceled? Connally wanted the award canceled, it's not much of a problem as there is no documentation from TCU that there ever was going to be one anyway, merely a request that "TCU tender its facilities".

Connally's whole political career is a study in the manipulation of democratic procedures.

Oddly, the same document records that the TCU Board of Trustees holds a special meeting at 3:00 P.M November 22, 1963 wherein there is not one mention that the President of the United States has been assassinated less than 3 hours ago, less than 50 miles away, a President who was supposedly invited to speak on their campus that day. It's just business as usual.

The HSCA also saw the importance of the TCU non-event, "It is ironic that if the honorary degree ceremony at TCU had been held, especially with a subsequent reception of some kind, logistical complications might have delayed the President's arrival in Dallas and thereby interfered with the scheduled occurrence of the motorcade. If such a delay had occurred, the opportunity might have been lost for an assassin to take advantage of certain conditions that promoted Kennedy's assassination."[73] (emphasis added)

The "certain conditions" were created by John Connally, and LBJ to make themselves look strong and JFK weak to the voters of Texas.

I will go much further into this in the book I'm writing. I go much more into detail on Jerry Bruno. I go much further into detail just getting us to October. There is a great deal going on as we get into November, and the machinations over how the Trade mart is selected over objections from Bruno and a Secret Service report. I go into how Bruno is removed, how the Secret Service is manipulated by John Connally as noted by the HSCA and Jerry Bruno and how certain key people are shuffled out of doing their normal responsibilities. I go into Floyd Boring, who is a very interesting figure in regards to what the Secret Service does and does not do.

Hopefully, I'll get it finished and published soon.

 


 

 

Return to November in Dallas Page

 

Return to Main Page

 


connally's hsca testimony

HSCA Volume I    J B Connally

 

TESTIMONY OF MR. AND MRS. JOHN B. CONNALLY, DALLAS, TEX.

 

    Mr. CONNALLY. Thank you, Mr. Dodd.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Governor Connally, I would like to begin by asking you if it would be accurate to state that you had a leading role in the decisionmaking process that led to the President's trip to Dallas on November 22, 1963?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, Mr. Cornwell, it certainly would be accurate to say that.

    Mr. CORNWELL. When did the possibility of that trip first become a matter of concern to you?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Mr. Cornwell, I wouldn't characterize it as a matter of concern, but the possibility of a trip to Texas arose, as I recall, in the spring of 1962.

    Mr. CORNWELL. What were you doing during that period of time?

    Mr. CONNALLY. In 1962, I was running for Governor of Texas, in the midst of a campaign. Vice President Johnson told me then that President Kennedy wanted to come to Texas, he wanted to come to Texas to raise some money, have some fundraising affairs over the State.

    I was not the least bit interested, very frankly, at that point in time, in trying to put together a trip, sponsoring a dinner, for a number of reasons.

    First, I was in the midst of a primary battle. I was running against an incumbent Governor, an incumbent attorney general, and a number of other candidates. The first poll that came out after I announced my candidacy indicated that I had 4 percent of the votes. So, I had an uphill climb in the battle.

 

 

Page 12

12

 

    I fortunately led the primary campaign but went into a runoff with a young man, then the leader of the liberal element of the Democratic Party in Texas, named Don Yarborough. I was successful in the runoff in winning the primary runoff, but then was confronted with very, very determined, well-financed, extremely able opposition in the general election.

    So frankly, I kept putting off any proposed trip to Texas, again, for a number of reasons. First, every hour, every bit of energy that any of us had was directed toward my own campaign that year. I didn't think we had the organization, I didn't think we had the time, I didn't think it was the appropriate time to try to bring the President into the State. I didn't think we could do credit to a visit, so I kept delaying it, not with standing the continuous and repeated suggestions from the Vice President who, frankly, was being needled by the President.

    The President was making it quite clear to the Vice President, Mr, Johnson, that he wanted to come to Texas and he wanted to raise some money in Texas.

I can pause there, Mr. Cornwell.

    Mr. CORNWELL. That answers the question. Let me ask you, if you were just beginning to run in the primaries, why was it that the President's desire to have a trip to Texas was brought to your attention? Why was it that you were asked at that point to take part in the trip?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, I think first, I had known President Kennedy since the early 1950's. I had been vice chairman of the Texas delegation to the national convention in Chicago in 1956 when we supported Mr. Kennedy then, Senator Kennedy, as Vice Presidential nominee on the national ticket with Mr. Stevenson.

    I had, as you know, as Mr. Blakey just recounted, I had been appointed by President Kennedy as Secretary of the Navy and had served in the year 1961 as Secretary of the Navy. I, as a matter of fact, not only talked to Mr. McNamara, but I had gone and talked to President Kennedy before I went home to run for Governor.

    So I was certainly, at that point, probably the Texan, outside of Vice President Johnson, who was closest to the Kennedy administration, and I think it was normal and natural that they would expect me to become involved in it.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Why, at that point in time, did you understand the President wanted to come to Texas?

    Mr. CONNALLY. There was never any doubt in my mind about it. There was never any doubt in the President's mind or Vice President's mind. He wanted to come to Texas for two reasons: First, to raise money; second, to enhance his own political fortunes in Texas. No doubt about it. No other reason. Much has been written, much has been speculated, but I assure you over many, many months, it was very obvious, very clear that that was the purpose.

    As a matter of fact, in 1963, after the--let me digress a moment. After the campaign was over in November 1962, and I had been successfully elected Governor, then I had only 60 days between November and January in order to build a staff and to develop a budget, to develop a legislative program to submit to the legislature on approximately January 20. This was my first legislative session of 120 days and, again, I resisted any proposed Presidential

 

 

Page 13

13

 

trips to Texas because I was totally absorbed and consumed, all of my energies, all of my staff, with the legislative program.

    It was obvious, though, that as soon as that was over, we were going to have to have a trip. I was perfectly willing, at this time, to undertake to organize one, but all during this period of time, it was quite clear that the President wanted to come for the purposes for which I have stated; namely, to raise money; second, to enhance his political fortunes in Texas.

    I must say that at that point in time, I don't remember the figures exactly, but the President was not extremely popular in Texas, nor was he in the country. He wasn't unpopular. He had had a very bitter campaign in 1960. He carried Texas by 46,000 votes, approximately 46,200-some-odd votes, with Vice President Johnson on the ticket with him. So, it had been an extremely close, extremely hard-fought election.

    The President had brought great elan, he had brought great culture, he brought great dignity and excitement to the White House, but in spite of that, his legislative program had not faired all that well. He was not that popular in the country and his popularity had diminished considerably, as a matter of fact.

    He was already looking at 1964 and the campaign of 1964. He had been traveling all ,over the country. He made it quite clear that in 1964, if he didn't carry but two States, he wanted to carry Massachusetts and Texas, and he wanted to come to Texas. So, it was obvious to me--again, my reluctance m encouraging the trip, as a matter of fact, it was more than reluctance; I resisted the trip, very frankly; I didn't encourage it, I resisted it for the reasons that I have already explained.

    In 1962, I was involved in the campaigning; the first 120 days of 1963, I was involved in legislative session and if he was coming, I wanted him to come to achieve the objectives that he wanted; namely, to raise the money; second, to structure the trip in such a way that he would benefit from it politically.

    Mr. CORNWELL. During this approximate 1-year period, from the early part of 1961 through the period of the first part of 1962 when, as you described, you were engaged primarily with trying to put together a staff, being a new Governor, and getting your legislative program through the legislature, the hints continued to come that the President wanted to come to Texas, you continued to stall, why didn't the President just come on his own?

    Mr. CONNALLY. He could have, but he obviously didn't want to. I had been elected in a rather, I guess I would have to describe it as a surprising election. I had frankly been elected by the people that President Kennedy needed the most, by the moderates and the conservatives of the State. He obviously had the most liberal wing of the party already for him. They had supported him. In 1960, in the campaign, they were still for him. What he was looking for and what he was really chafed about was the fact

 

that the moderate and conservative elements of the country, not just Texas, but the whole country, were not supporting him, that he was characterized as being antibusiness, and part of that, I think, was the result of his actions with respect to steel prices.

    But, nevertheless, I think this irritated him and he said so, and he

didn't understand it, and he, on one occasion, said to me, that,

 

 

Page 14

14

 

"If these business people are silly enough to think that I am going to dismantle this free enterprise system, they are crazy."

    So, I think it was obvious that he wanted to come on a basis that he could talk to, and hopefully appeal to, the very people that had not supported him, because he was looking at a tough election, at least in our part of the country, in 1964.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Well, if, then, he basically needed someone to help with the planning arrangements, to achieve the ends that he sought, which was fundraising and improving his political posture in the State, why didn't he just ask the Vice President, who was also from Texas, to arrange those matters for him?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, for the simple reason that I had been able to build a pretty successful organization in Texas and the Governor is the titular head of the party of his State, and, frankly, the Governor of any State, regardless of his party, Republican or Democrat, is the titular head of the party and he sets the political tone of the State, and it would be inconceivable and President Kennedy was too good a politician to try to come to Texas without my wholehearted support, or at least tacit approval, and the Vice President certainly would not have done it.

    For one of these trips, it is not just as simple as saying, let's go to Texas. This requires an incredible amount of planning, organization, detail, harassment, haranguing. We went through weeks and weeks and weeks and weeks of this. So the idea that they are just going to pick up and come, I don't think was attractive to them at all.

    It was obvious that the President never seriously considered that. He obviously could have come any time he wanted to and so could the Vice President, and the Vice President was down during this period of time--1962-63--on a number of occasions. But they didn't want to attempt to arrange the type of affair that they were interested in without my personal involvement and without the involvement of the State party machinery that I had constructed.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Did there come a time when you finally couldn't avoid or push back the hints any longer?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes. The President was making a trip out through the West, in the summer, I believe, of 1963. He was going to Colorado, New Mexico, and perhaps other States. In any event, he was in El Paso and I met him in El Paso, and the minute I walked into the room where they were---

    Mr. CORNWELL. What kind of room was it?

    Mr. CONNALLY. A hotel room. I have forgotten. I believe the Casa Del Norte Hotel. The Vice President was there, President Kennedy was there, and several of the staff people. Kenny O'Donnell, as I recall, was there, and the President made some remark about, "Well, Lyndon, are we ever going to get this trip to Texas worked out?" Obviously he wasn't speaking to me, but he was speaking to me, but he was addressing Vice President Johnson.

    Vice President Johnson said, "Well, the Governor is here, Mr. President, let's find out."

    Mr. CORNWELL. At this point--

    Mr. CONNALLY. I knew at that point my string had run out. I knew we were going to have a trip to Texas, and I was perfectly willing to do it because I had gotten through a legislative session in

 

 

Page 15

15

 

fairly good order and we had the time, I had been able to rebuild the structure of the Democratic Party, and we were prepared to organize the trip.

So, I said, in effect, "Mr. President, when do you want to come?" Then he said, he said, "Well, I think we ought to have four dinners," and I was in a state of shock. He said, "I think we ought to have four or five fundraising dinners," and he said, "What do you think about having it on Lyndon's birthday, August 27?" This was in June, as I recall.

    And again I said, "Mr. President, I would like to think about that. Obviously the Vice President s birthday is always a time for celebration, but August is the worst month of the year to have a fundraising affair in Texas, for anybody. Too many people are gone, it is the dog days, it is the hottest month of the year, people are on vacation, they are not interested in politics, we can't get the support, and I think it would be a serious mistake to come in August."

    Well, we didn't decide at that particular meeting in El Paso when the date would be, but I said, "We will think about it" and I said in effect, "Let me do some planning. Let me do some thinking and we will be back in touch with you and I will suggest a trip, a format of a trip that I think will achieve the purposes that you want to achieve."

    Mr. CORNWELL. Would I understand your earlier description of the climate in the State of Texas and in the Nation to apply to this period of time? I know you described basically the way you perceived it when the hints first came to your attention in 1962. I take it the climate hadn't changed much by 1963, is that correct?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, they had not. I think the President was concerned about the campaign of 1964, his popularity. Your chief counsel, Mr. Blakey, just said it dropped from 83 percent down to about 60 percent, and was on a descending scale during this period of time, and I don't remember the precise figures the poll showed, but obviously he had lost considerable ground and he was concerned about it.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Well, given that climate in the State of Texas and in the Nation, what, if anything, did you expect that you could personally gain or could be gained for your wing of the Democratic Party from the Texas trip?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, I thought, first, that Texas is always, I think, a considerate and hospitable State to anyone, and most certainly they are to a President, and we were obviously going to be honored by a Presidential visit to Texas, and we wanted one. The President had really not been to Texas since the campaign of 1960 except for the one stop in El Paso. So, he had not been there for any purpose during the intervening years, and we were obviously all going to benefit by his presence. We were all at

 

that point, we were Democrats, we were officeholders, the fortunes of one obviously affected the fortunes of all, and it was important to all of us that he be understood, that he be accepted, that he be supported, as much as we possibly could, and to that extent I would certainly benefit as an officeholder more than that.

    President Kennedy's strongest supporters were not my strongest supporters. I had developed a base of support among the moderates

 

 

Page 16

16

 

and conservatives in the State in the Democratic Party, whereas the people that had been most enthusiastic about President Kennedy really had supported my opponent, at least in the primary and in the runoff election. Most of them supported me in the general election in 1962.

    So, if the President came, and the mere fact that he did come, and my association with him, and the fact that I had helped plan the trip, that I would be with him, Mrs. Connally and I would be with them, obviously was going to inure to my benefit, it seems to me, among the people who most supported President Kennedy. So there was never any question really about--my thinking was not influenced by whether or not I was going to benefit or not going to benefit.

    My whole reluctance and resistance up until the summer of 1962 revolved around my fear that we couldn't put on the type of trip that I thought the President deserved and that we wanted him to have.

    Mr. CORNWELL. You told us that at the meeting in El Paso, in the hotel suite of the President, in June 1963, you agreed to help him plan the trip, but that no specific agreement was reached as to

the details of the trip or as to the date of the trip?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct.

    Mr. CORNWELL. What happened next?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, again Vice President Johnson, with whom I talked frequently during that period of time, told me the President was still interested in having four or five fundraising dinners, and I said to the Vice President, I said, "Well, that is a mistake," and he said, "Well, that is what he wants and you had better be prepared to do it or better be prepared to give him a real good reason why you can't do it," and I said, "All right, I will work out something and be back in touch with you."

    I came to Washington in early October 1963, and went to see the President. I had an appointment before I came up here to see him to talk to him about this dinner, and at that point he still was talking about four or five fundraising dinners in the principal cities of Texas.

    At that point, I just said to him, "Mr. President, I think that is a mistake; we want the money, yes, but we also need, it seems to me, on your first real visit to Texas, we need to posture you in such a way that you are going to politically benefit from it and it doesn't look like all you are interested in is the money that you are going to get out of the State, and frankly, if you come down and we try to put on five fundraising affairs in the principal cities of Texas, most people down there are going to think that all you are interested in is the financial rape of the State," and I used those words, and he said, "well, all right what do you suggest?" and at that point I said, "I would suggest, we have been giving a lot of thought to it, I talked to the State chairman, I talked to the members of the State legislature, talked to the other political leaders in the State," and I told him that I thought we ought to have a number of nonpolitical events for him to go to, that we ought to try to hit the major cities of Texas--Houston, Dallas, Fort Worth, and San Antonio--and that we ought to culminate it with a dinner in Austin.

 

 

Page 17

17

 

    We didn't go over all the details at this particular visit but that was the general outline of what I had proposed to him. He said all right, you work it out and get in touch with, as I recall, he said Kenny O'Donnell, and he will work this out, and we will pick a date, and obviously we were saying to him that he would have to pick the date of the visit.

    He and I were in the Oval Office and he couldn't have been nicer, couldn't have been more friendly, he got up from behind his desk and came around and was extremely warm and cordial, as he always was. He sat in the rocking chair and I sat in one of those little couches there in the Oval Room and I frankly was a bit surprised that the Vice President wasn't there. But he wasn't. And later I heard about it, because after my visit with the President, I went out that evening to "the Elms," to the Vice President's home and he was considerably irritated with me, and he said so, and he said, "I suppose you think I don't have any interest in what is happening in Texas," and I said, "No, Mr. Vice President, I know you are extremely interested in what is happening in Texas.'

    He said, "Why didn't you tell me?" I said, "Mr. Vice President, I assumed you knew I was going to see the President,' and I said, trying to alibi any way I could, because I recognized that he was really irritated about it,' and I said, After all, I made this appointment several days ago and it is not my prerogative to say who is in that Oval Office, I assumed if the President wanted you there you would be there."

    "Well," he said, "you could have told me beforehand what you had in mind."

    I said, "You have known basically what I had in mind. In any event, here is what we said," and I recounted to him that I proposed that we visit the five major cities, Dallas, Houston, Fort Worth, San Antonio, culminating in a dinner in Austin, and then I apologized to the Vice President and said, "I am sorry, I should have talked to you before I went in to see the President. Frankly, I assumed you would be there. When I got into the Oval Office and I was rather surprised that you weren't, but having the appointment I had no choice but to go ahead and discuss it," and then I said, "But here is what we said." I recounted the conversation as best I could and we proceeded from there.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Were there any specific discussions with the President on this occasion early in October 1963, as to the groups or persons that he should meet with on his trip?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, we talked about that, as a matter of fact, as early as El Paso, and I told him I thought we ought to try to schedule the itinerary and plan the trip in such a way that he would be, particularly the nonpolitical events, where he could appear before groups, civic groups, basically nonpolitical groups, but groups composed of the moderate to conservative business leaders, political leaders of the State, who had not supported him, who were not enthusiastic about him, in order to try to give him a chance to convert those people, and he agreed with that. No question about that.

    This trip progressed as they always do. This became quite an issue, simply because Senator Yarborough, Ralph Yarborough, was then in the Senate, he was being constantly harangued by his

 

 

Page 18

18

 

supporters in Texas, they were saying, "well, they are structuring this thing trying to keep us away from the President and the President's supporters are not getting to see him," and Senator Yarborough was relaying those to the White House and to the advance people, and we were arguing about tickets and arguing about everything in the world.

    It got to be a major hassle and part of this raised the question that has since been discussed in great length, that the President came to Texas to resolve the differences in the Democratic Party in Texas. Nothing could be further from the truth. The two individuals who were most involved in the split in the party were Senator Yarborough and Vice President Johnson, and both of them were in Washington, D.C. This is where the trouble was.

    The trouble arose basically over Federal patronage and Federal appointees and Vice President Johnson was trying to get every Federal appointment he could get, and so was Senator Yarborough. Senator Yarborough was complaining constantly to the White House to President Kennedy, that Johnson was usurping his patronage rights of the Senate with respect to Federal judges, marshals, and so forth. This was the battle here.

    And indeed if the President was interested in resolving that difficulty he had Vice President Johnson right across the street in the old Executive Office Building, he had Senator Yarborough right here on the Hill, and he could have gotten them together in 10 minutes. But that wasn't the purpose of his trip to Texas at all, it had nothing to do with it.

    In the first place, he couldn't have settled the differences in the Democratic Party. They haven't been settled yet, and they are not going to be settled. As long as it is basically a one-party State you are going to have the division there that you have, and you are going to have the liberals and the conservatives. They have been fighting all my adult life, from the time I first went to a convention in Chicago in 1940, a national convention. We had fist fights on the floor within the delegations, and it hasn't improved a lot since then.

    So the idea that he was going to go down and settle all of this is pure hogwash. He didn't intend to do it, he didn't want to do it, he was politician enough to know he couldn't do it, and he wasn't even going to try. That wasn't the point at all. But, nevertheless, that created difficulties, but these things shouldn't be taken out of context.

    Any Presidential trip anywhere in the world arouses jealousies, differences. Every politician--and regardless of his title or position-wants to be close to the President; he wants to ride in the car; he wants to have a private meeting; he wants his group to be seen; he wants them to be heard. This is a constant hassle. I don't care where a President goes. So it is not unique to Texas, but we had our share of it, I will say that, and this plagued the Kennedy advance people and it plagued us, and I organized about an eight or nine-man group, some who worked for me in my own Governor's office, others who were in the legislature, others in the State party, to put on this affair, and the President's trip.

    As I say, it is not easy. The plans were constantly shifting and changing. We were trying to really get a mix of things, so that

 

 

Page 19

19

 

people wouldn't feel left out. We had originally planned a l-day trip and it was obvious that we were trying to cram too much into 1 day, because again I wanted to hit the four principal cities plus winding up in Austin. I wanted to see on the evening of the 22d, in Austin, the members of the legislature, all of them.

    Mr. CORNWELL. If I might, let me show you an exhibit or two before we get to that explanation.

    Mr. Chairman, may we admit into evidence at this time an exhibit which has been marked for identification as JFK exhibit F-17, which is a newspaper article from the Dallas Morning News dated September 26, 1963.

    Mr. DODD. Without objection, so ordered. [JFK exhibit F-17 and facsimile follow:]

 

Page 20

20

 

EXHIBIT F-17

 

Page 21

21

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-17 cont.

 

FACSIMILE

 

THE DALLAS MORNING NEWS

DALLAS,  TEXAS,  THURSDAY,  SEPTEMBER  26,  1963

(Front Page)

 

DALLAS INCLUDED

 

KENNEDY TO VISIT TEXAS NOV.  21-22

 

By Robert E. Baskin

News Staff Writer

 

JACKSON HOLE, Wyo. - White House sources told The Dallas News exclusively Wednesday night that President Kennedy will visit Texas Nov. 21 and 22.

 

       The visit will embrace major cities of the state, including Dallas.

 

Kennedy is currently on a tour of the Midwest and West. The White House sources said the Texas trip Would be political, although they did not reveal the particular political mission.

 

       The final White House decision to make the trip to Texas came late Tuesday night, these sources said.

 

       Although specific details have not been worked out, it was considered likely that the President will visit Dallas, Houston, San Antonio and Fort Worth.

 

       There has been speculation for some time that the President was contemplating a visit to Texas, but the final decision has just been reached, The News learned.   It has been

 

 

Page 22

22

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-17 cont.

 

known that numerous Texas Democratic leaders have urged Kennedy to come to the state to repair what they regard as a deteriorating party situation.

 

       The presidential decision may have been prompted by what he has seen on his current tour:   a strong trend toward conservation and Republicanism in the Western states.   He is believed to feel that he must cope with this situation in preparation for the 1964 campaign.

 

       Earlier Wednesday at Billings, Mont., Kennedy recaptured his old campaign oratory in his best-received appearance in two days of intensive,  "nonpolitical" campaigning across the country.

 

       In a straight-forward, rather far-reaching address to some 15,000 persons, Kennedy gave a resounding vote of confidence to Montana's veteran Mike Mansfield, Senate Democratic leader, and won cheers when he explained why he sought the nuclear test ban pact.

 

       And he was obviously in high spirits as a result of the House's approval of the tax cut bill, news of which reached him just before he began his talk.

 

       For the first time since he left Washington. he was applauded in the course of a speech.  The subjects that won him applause, however, had nothing to do with conservation --

 

 

Page 23

23

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-17 cont.

 

the announced reason for his il-state tour.   Foreign affairs got him his best hand.

 

       Kennedy said Mansfield, up for re-election in 1964, was responsible for ratification of the test ban treaty Tuesday.   He added that Senate GOP leader Everett M. Dirksen, Ill., had been helpful.

 

       He recalled his confrontations with Soviet Premier Nikita S. Khrushchev in 1961 and 1962 and how war has been avoided.

 

       "What we hope to do," the President said, "is to lessen the chance of a military collision between these two great powers which together have the power to kill 300 million people in a day.   That is why I support the test ban treaty."

 

       From Billings the President flew on to Jackson Hole for an overnight stop.

 

       Earlier in the day at Cheyenne, Wyo., Kennedy claimed that his New Frontier administration "has been able to make a start at getting our country moving again."

 

 

Page 24

24

 

    Mr. CORNWELL. You have described for us, Governor, the meeting you had with the President on October 4. Several days prior to that, the newspaper article, the front page of which is shown in the exhibit, appeared in the Dallas Morning News. The headline on the lower right portion of the page refers to the President's visit to Texas, and because the exhibit is blown up it is relatively small. Let me tell you what the first lines of it read:

    White House sources told the Dallas News exclusively Wednesday night that President Kennedy will visit Texas November 21 and 22. The visit will embrace major cities of the State including Dallas. Kennedy is currently on a tour of the Midwest and West. The White House sources said the Texas trip would be political, although they did not reveal the particular political mission.

    Were you aware of either that article or similar publicity prior to your trip to see the President on October 47

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, I don't have any specific memory of it but I am sure I knew it.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Do you know, apart from what the implication is in the article, who released that report?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, but it made no impact on me. I don't have any memory of this particular article at all, but it would not be surprising because we had made it clear to the President that he was going to have to pick the date for the trip, and I just assumed that is the date that probably they had chosen. We were constantly in touch back and forth during this period of time in the fall with the Vice President and with Kenny O'Donnell and others trying to plan the type of trip and without getting down to specific details, and we hadn't yet had the date, but I am sure I knew about this, yes.

    Mr. CORNWELL. You have told us that after the October 4 trip, you went back to Texas and began the process of planning for the trip. Who all was involved in that process?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Oh, gosh, a great many people. Everyone in my office was. My Executive Assistant, Howard Rose, certainly was. Eugene Lock, who I believe, from Dallas, still was Chairman of the State Democratic Party was. Pat O'Keefe, who was Executive Director of the State party was involved. Carol Abbott, who worked at the State party, was certainly involved. Bill Stenson, who was on my Governor's staff, was certainly involved. Representative Ben Barnes was involved; Frank Irwin was involved; Julian Reed was involved. There were 8 or 10 of us who spent a great deal of time on it.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Let me ask Mrs. Connally, were you involved in that process, too?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes, I certainly was.

    Mr. CORNWELL. What was your role?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I was shining that mansion up like you never saw. [Laughter.]

    We were trying to get everything ready at the Governor's mansion for our first visit from a President and his Lady, so I had all the hassles of any housewife trying to get her house in order so it would be just right for the very special guests.

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think, to put it in a little different context, I think the first thing we agreed on, and Nellie certainly was involved in intimate detail with the trip, because the one thing we

 

 

Page 25

25

 

had agreed on we were going to try to wind up with the fundraising affair in Austin, Tex.

    Because of the nature of the State, unless you do have four or five fundraising affairs you cannot choose another city in Texas and have as successful a fund-raising dinner as you can if you have it in Austin. Dallas doesn't want to support Houston; Houston doesn't want to go to Dallas; Dallas won't go to Fort Worth; Fort Worth doesn't want to go to Dallas. None of them will go to San Antonio, but all of them will go to Austin. So we decided that it was the capital, that what the President needed to do was to come to Austin.

    This was the news center of the State, just like Washington is for the Nation. All the news media were there. We wanted him to meet the members of the legislature because they, in effect, were the thought leaders, the political thought leaders of the Democratic Party throughout the State. We thought that this would be like any politician. Any politician wants to know the President of the United States; he wants to say I know him, I shook his hand, I saw him; he wants to go home and tell his constituents that he saw them.

    We planned--the one thing we had done, which we had agreed on early, was to have the dinner in Austin--a $100-a-plate affair, because we had to start selling tickets. Then, Nellie and I agreed that probably the best place for a reception was to ask President and Mrs. Kennedy to come to the mansion, and to invite the entire legislature, 150 members of the house, 31 members of the senate, to come to the mansion to meet the President, and at that time we weren't sure Mrs. Kennedy was coming. In my visit with him I had expressed the hope that she would come, and he said well, I am not sure, but I will talk to her about it and I will ask her to come with me. And as I recall, he said, at the time I saw him, I believe he said she was in Europe. He said when she gets back I will ask her if she won't come with me.

    I told him I thought that in all of these events there were going to be men and women; I thought it would contribute enormously if she came. The women wanted to see her; they read a great deal about her; they want to see her; they want to see what her hairdo looks like and what her clothes look like, and it is important to them. So he said, I agree with you, and I will talk to her about it when she gets back.

    So in any event, we thought if we could have the President and Mrs. Kennedy at the mansion to meet all of the members of the State party machinery, the representatives and the senators, it would probably be as effective a thing as we could do to help him on his trip. Then from there we would go directly to the dinner at the Coliseum, where we planned to have 3,000 people at $100 a plate.

    Mr. CORNWELL. What were the other basic elements in your initial proposal to the President as to how the trip should be organized?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, basically, we had to get a nonpolitical sponsorship and a nonpolitical activity in the four other major cities to give him a forum, to attract the type of audience, to give him some identity.

 

 

Page 26

26

 

    As I recall early on, we, in Fort Worth, we considered the idea of having Texas Christian University in Fort Worth confer an honorary degree on him and let him speak on the campus of Texas Christian University. That was thought of early.

    In Houston, he really came up, I think, or the White House did, with the idea of going to the Albert Thomas dinner and this helped us because we were trying to cram everything into the day of the 22d, on Friday.

    Well, just before the trip, as I recall, we didn't have but about 48 hours notice, not more than 72, he decided he would go to Houston. So, we restructured the whole thing. I had planned to, or had suggested that we go to San Antonio, Houston, Fort Worth, Dallas, and Austin, all in one day, but then, the Albert Thomas dinner-Albert Thomas was then chairman of the Appropriations Committee of the House of Representatives. He was one of the really powerful members of the Texas delegation.

    He had been chairman of the Appropriations Committee since 1940. He was extremely well regarded in Houston, Tex. He was one of the strange--not strange--he was one of the unusual and unique politicians. Albert Thomas had the support of all the business community in Houston. He also had all the support of labor and most of the liberals in Houston. He was sick. He had a terminal illness and they were having this appreciation dinner for him the night of the 21st of November. And the President decided that he ought to go there and be there and obviously, Albert Thomas really wanted him to come and really put the arm on him to come.

    No President, in his right mind, completely disregards the chairman of the Appropriations Committee. Since he was ill and since they were good friends, the President, I think, graciously said, "I'd like to come." So, this changed our whole format. Then, we were able to get him for a day and a half.

    So, we moved the San Antonio affair to Thursday afternoon and then we decided to go on to Fort Worth that night, the night of the 21st, after the Albert Thomas dinner in Houston.

    In the meantime, in trying to work out the itinerary and talking about an honorary degree from Texas Christian University, frankly, some of the trustees of Texas Christian University took a dim view of it and weren't enthusiastic about it, and we dropped the idea completely because the last thing we wanted to do was to get into any kind of dispute or hassle because we wanted his trip to be smooth; we wanted everything acceptable.

    I personally went to Dallas. I talked to the leaders of the civic groups in Dallas, Citizens' Council, which is a group that for 40 years dominated the political leadership of Dallas. We got the Assembly, which is a group of young people; we got the Educational Research Center, Science Research Center, we got four or five groups in Dallas to cosponsor this luncheon, again, to give it a nonpolitical flavor so that he could go and make a speech.

    We had done that in each of the places. The White House came up with the idea, or somebody did, that they would dedicate the Aerospace Medical Center in San Antonio, and it was a nonpolitical affair. The breakfast in Fort Worth was a nonpolitical affair. It was also sponsored by the Chamber of Commerce and other organizations.

 

 

Page 27

27

 

    But in working it all out, we had a motorcade in San Antonio. Again, over the period of time because the great tragedy occurred in Dallas, everybody talks about the President's trip to Dallas. The President made a trip to Texas. And we had been to San Antonio where we met the President. We had a motorcade through San Antonio and, again, this was an effort to be sure that he wasn't shielded from anybody, that he was out seeing people.

    We had a motorcade right through the center of San Antonio; the reception was wonderful; the crowds were huge; the response was enthusiastic. We went from there--we spent about 30 minutes or 45 minutes at the Aerospace Medical Center, and he dedicated that building on the site of the old Brooks Army Air Force Base.

    We left San Antonio, went to Houston, arriving there about 5 o'clock. We planned this simply because, again, we wanted every detail of the trip to be as perfect as we could make it.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Your basic plan of meeting with various citizens groups and the representatives of the businesss community, did that meet any stiff resistance and, if so, from what area?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, I don't think it met any stiff resistance. I think the complaints came, as I said a moment ago, largely voiced by Senator Yarborough and some of the labor groups and some of the liberal groups on the grounds that not enough of their people were being included.

    Now, the leadership among the labor, among the blacks, everybody else, they were being included in these affairs, even though they were not formally members of these organizations; they were being invited; they were being given tickets, but they were not being invited in mass numbers to the various affairs; they were there at the breakfast; they were there at the Albert Thomas dinner; they were there at the luncheon at the Trade Mart in Dallas; they certainly were there at the affair, or to be there at the affair in Austin that night, the $100-a-plate dinner.

    As a matter of fact, we sent all of them tickets. We said, "Please help us."

    Mr. CORNWELL. Who did the conversations occur with where there were disagreements as to, at least, the emphasis that should be placed on various aspects?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Very few of them with me. I was meeting intermittently with these eight or nine people that I had working on this trip, but-

    Mr. CORNWELL. Who were your people meeting with?

    Mr. CONNALLY. They were meeting with Hal [sic] (1) Bruno the President's advance man. We were getting information from all kinds of sources. We were getting direct calls from the top labor leaders in the State, and others. You know, we were getting a considerable feedback and frankly, considerable differences developed between the President's advance men and the people I had working on the trip and to the point where it got a bit testy.

    Mr. CORNWELL. What were the main areas of disagreement?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Just minutia details. Inevitably, these things happen about who is going to sit at the table, who's going to do this, who is going to do that. One of the biggest controversies arose

 

-----------------------------

**The Governor later corrected his reference to Mr. Bruno, explaining that it was Jerry Bruno.

 

 

Page 28

28

 

over whether or not we were going to have a motorcade in Dallas. That was one of the big ones. And we lost that one.

    Finally, frankly, it got so bad with Hal Bruno and the President's advance people, that real differences developed between the people I had working on the trip and the President's advance people where Hal Bruno, I think, was pulled off, completely off of the trip and Bill Moyers came down as kind of a peacemaker.

    Mr. CORNWELL. What was your view in opposing the motorcade in Dallas? You said there was a severe disagreement with the advance men on that subject.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Basically, my reason for opposing the motorcade in Dallas were two. We were working the President very hard, I thought. Most people think that riding in a motorcade is easy. It's not. It's very tiring. It's exhausting. You assume that a person is just riding along so there shouldn't be any difficulty. But nevertheless, in a motorcade, the President of the United States is there, he is tense, he is smiling, he is exuding enthusiasm, he is trying to make, even in a fleeting second, he is trying to make contact with the thousands and tens of thousands of people along this parade route. He is looking one side and then the other.

    Even if he just catches a human's eye for one fleeting second, there is a communication, and this is why in the car, Nelly and I had very little conversation with the President and Mrs. Kennedy. The conversations were extremely brief and desolatory because he was, in effect, working the crowd from the car and to a lesser extent, so was I.

    You have to be in one. You have to experience it to understand precisely what I am saying. But I am telling you, it's a strain on him. We had him getting up early in the morning to attend a breakfast in Fort Worth. He made a speech on the parking lot in front of the Texas Hotel in Fort Worth. Then, we flew to Dallas. He had a speech there. We were going to take him to Austin where he had two receptions at the mansion for 181 members of the house and senate. Then, he had a speech that night. We were crowding him into about a 15-hour day.

    What I wanted him to do--you know--you can work anybody to death. Ask any of these members of this committee. They will tell you when they go into a town or a county, the local campaign chairman--or into a precinct or a ward--he wants to work him from 7 in the morning to midnight. He doesn't care what happens tomorrow because he is going to be gone.

    This local politician, he will go to sleep, he will sleep all the next day. But, unfortunately, the officeholder has to get up and go again on another 15-hour day.

    And I was extremely conscious of that because I started in State politics in 1938. I managed President Johnson's campaign in 1941 and 1948 when he ran for 'the Senate, and I had been through enough of this. I had caught enough hell about over scheduling, so I didn't want to do the President that way and I wanted him to be sharp.

    No human being can be up for 15 hours a day and all we were trying to do was allow him enough time in between events to where when he really got in front of an audience, when the cameras were on him, when the newsmen were watching him, that he

 

 

Page 29

29

 

could look good, he would look fresh, his voice would be strong, he could really be able to exude warmth and enthusiasm. And, this is the whole reason; now---

    There was one other reason, and that was simply that I thought, no more so really in Dallas than most places in Texas, but I thought we ran the risk of having some embarrassing placards or signs or a few pickets along the way. I frankly never had any fear of physical harm or violence. That never entered my mind, but the idea that we probably would encounter a sign or two did enter my mind and the thought we might have some pickets entered my mind because, again, President Johnson and Mrs. Johnson had had the difficulty down in front of the Baker Hotel in the campaign of 1960.

    Then, as you recounted a moment ago, Ambassador Stevenson, Adlai Stevenson, came to Texas and had been hit over the head with a picket sign about a month before the President's trip. So, these things were not--I was not unconscious of them at the time, and we didn't want any of it. Well, the only thing we saw on any of the trips, Dallas did have one sign, there was a fellow up on an old house, like a turn of the century house, badly needing paint, I recall very well, he had a sign up on this balcony that said, "Kennedy, go home." But, it was on the left side of the car as we were traveling in the motorcade and the President was on the right side in the back seat, and I hoped he didn't see it, but he finally turned to Nelly and me and said, "Did you all see that sign? I said, "Yes, Mr. President, but we were hoping you didn't." He said, "Well, I saw it. Don't you imagine he's a nice fellow?"

    And, I said, "Yes, I imagine he's a nice fellow." But that was about the only thing we saw, and frankly, there was less of that than I thought. The crowds were larger than I anticipated. They were more enthusiastic than I could even have hoped for. All the way through, in San Antonio, in Houston, in Fort Worth, it was drizzling rain; at 8:30 in the morning when the President went out--approximately 8:30--when he went out on a parking lot there across from the Texas Hotel and spoke to people in the rain, and there was a huge crowd there.

    So, the trip had been absolutely wonderful, and we were heaving a sigh of relief because once we got through the motorcade at Dallas and through the Dallas luncheon, then everything else was pretty much routine.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Let me ask you to go through the details of that trip perhaps more precisely. After the elaborate planning and the arguments over the details, I suppose there must have been some relief when the day finally came.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Oh, yes.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Let me ask, Mrs. Connally, you had an opportunity to meet the President and his wife at the airport; is that correct?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Where did you come from just immediately prior to that?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I came from Austin to San Antonio.

    Mr. CORNWELL. What had you been doing in the immediate hours or day or two right before the arrival?

 

 

Page 30

30

 

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Well, the entrance hall in the Governor's mansion had sort of gold carpet, and since this house is open to the public, it gets a lot of traffic. So, I had had the carpet cleaned, but 2 days before the visit, I decided they didn't clean it well enough and I was having it cleaned again. So, I was having a talk with the carpet cleaners and I left the house in Austin and joined them in San Antonio.

    Mr. CORNWELL. The Governor, as I understand, was in Houston that day and had to fly to San Antonio to meet the President's plane, so you both arrived in advance and were together; is that correct?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. From different directions.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Would you describe for us what your feelings were as the event took place and the President arrived into Texas for the first time?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Me?

    Mr. CORNWELL. Yes, ma'am.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. It was very exciting. It was the first time that we had been host to a President and his lady. Everybody was excited. We were excited and nervous--I tell you, I felt exactly like the mother of everybody. I wanted all the Texans to be so wonderful to them when they came and I wanted them to react in a good way, too. I just was nervous and excited and could hardly wait.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Were the reactions from the people in Texas as you had hoped?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. There was a tremendous roar when the plane put down and the door opened and out stepped Mrs. Kennedy, who looked beautiful, just like everybody expected, and then the handsome young President coming out behind her. I get goose pimples now thinking about it. It really was an exciting moment in our life.

    Mr. CORNWELL. You went from the airport in a motorcade to

downtown San Antonio?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Was the reception there as great?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes. Tell them about the reception. Everybody was excited. It just made you feel good.

    Mr. CONNALLY. You couldn't have asked for more. The crowds were large, they were extremely warm, extremely enthusiastic. Just could not have been better.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Did the activities in San Antonio, and for the rest of that day, go just as well? Was there anything about them which was disappointing?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Nothing that I know.

    Mr. CONNALLY. NO, it all went extremely well. We left San Antonio and went to Houston--got into Houston right at the-there were several thousand people at the airport to meet us. We went downtown right at the rush-hour traffic. Of course, cars were bumper to bumper almost four lanes wide, and they all stopped for just miles. As they were leaving town, we were going into town. As this motorcade passed, people were out, they were stopped, they

were standing up, cardoors open, they were waving--Mrs. CONNALLY. Cheering.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Cheering. We got to the hotel. The President met that evening with a group of Mexican-American leaders, the

 

 

Page 31

31

 

LULAC organization was having a big dance in the Rice Hotel where they were staying, and he and Mrs. Kennedy, Vice President and Mrs. Johnson went by there before they went to the Thomas dinner. The Thomas dinner was a complete sellout in the Coliseum. I guess they had 3,500 people there, and I watched because I knew these people and I knew the crowds. Frankly, I don't remember what the President said. I must confess, I didn't listen to him because I was concentrating almost totally on the crowd reaction.

    I was looking and watching all through the crowd during his entire speech. He was indeed reaching these people; he was communicating with them. It just could not have been a better day in both San Antonio and Houston.

    Mr. CORNWELL. After the Albert Thomas dinner and the meeting with the Mexican-American leaders had concluded, you flew, again,

in Air Force One, this time to Fort Worth; is that correct?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That's correct.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Up until this point of the trip, had you had any opportunity, really, to speak to the President and to learn what his reaction was to the reception he had received in Texas?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes, don't you remember how excited he was about how everyone--they talked in the airplane, from San Antonio to Houston, and--the President seemed very pleased with how he had been received in San Antonio and said, "Well, that was a good one, John, do you think we will do as well at the next stop?"

    Mr. CONNALLY. Unlike, I suppose, the often-repeated verbosity of some of us from Texas, the President was not given to extravagant statements, and I think he generally was known for the fairly terse comments of a New Englander and a Bostonian.

    So, his praise would be couched in a different language then from my own. It is obvious that he was extremely pleased. I think Nelly can probably explain this better than I, but I think one of the significant things that occurred was the change that we saw in Mrs. Kennedy and her reaction to the trip.

    In San Antonio, she was rather stiff, I thought, rather unused to this. She had not been traveling much and campaigning much with the President and she was not noticeably ill at ease at all, but nevertheless, reserved, quiet and perhaps a little bit--frightened is too strong a word--but apprehensive about this whole thing. Not apprehensive in the sense of being fearful of violence, but just not being used to it. She was a bit concerned about what she did. For instance, one time, in San Antonio, she was worried about her hair and her hat and she traded seats with me. We were all over that car. Normally, the President sits in the right-rear and his wife sits on his left. I was sitting in front of the President most of the time. Nelly was sitting in front of Mrs. Kennedy most of the time.

    Particularly, in San Antonio, we changed seats because the wind was blowing, we were driving fairly fast at times, 30 and 40 miles an hour. She traded seats and got up on the jumpseat and I sat in the back seat with the President. The two ladies were in front.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. The back seat was raised, so she would get more wind there.

    Mr. CONNALLY. The President knew that really wasn't the right way to do it and he made her get back in the back seat, and I got back on the jump seat.

 

 

Page 32

32

 

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Where you belong.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Where I belong. The next day, it was obvious that after the San Antonio and the Houston motorcades, the next day she was much, much more relaxed, wouldn't you say?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes, happily responding to the crowds.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Marked difference in her reactions and her appearance between the afternoon of the 21st and the day of the 22d. Noticeably in Dallas.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. And they were enjoying seeing her as much as they were the President. They were calling out their names and I think she really got in the spirit of it.

    Mr. CORNWELL. You told us about the dispute which was long standing between Senator Yarborough and first Senator Johnson and then continuing into Vice President Johnson. Did that particular dispute come up at all? You said that it wasn't the reason the President came to Texas. Did it come up at all during the trip?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, oh, it was ever with us. It came up, I didn't know it. Everything had gone beautifully. We had gotten into Fort Worth about 11 o'clock at night at Carswell Air Force Base and drove into town in a light drizzle, and the President and Mrs. Kennedy and Vice President and Mrs. Johnson went up to their suites. When they were safely ensconced, I was so relieved that everything had gone well that I went down to the Texas Hotel coffeeshop to have some bacon and eggs and a glass of milk about

 

midnight. That was the first then that I heard they had had quite a hassle in Houston, that Senator Yarborough refused to ride in the car with Vice President Johnson. So, I said well, you know, I don't care who rides in which car.

    I didn't worry much about it, but nevertheless, it had happened and it was by that time the talk of the motorcade, the talk of the press and so I didn't think any more about it until the next morning.

    And, the President, when he came back from his speech, the first thing he did when he got up--Mrs. Kennedy was not with him-Jim Wright, Congressman Jim Wright, who is now the majority leader of this Congress of the House, took him across the street from the Texas Hotel into this parking lot where he spoke to the crowds there, and then he came back into the Long Horn Room of the Texas Hotel and sat down and he motioned for me to come over.

    I went over there and he said, "John, did you know Yarborough refused to ride with Lyndon yesterday?"

I said, "Yes, sir; I heard that last night."

And he said, "By God, he'll ride with him today or he'll walk." So, I said OK. I did nothing about it. But then later, I saw him talking to Senator Yarborough, and indeed, that day Senator Yarborough rode in the car with Vice President Johnson in the Dallas motorcade. This is one of those things that is really, in the overall planning and the execution of this trip, was of no great consequence.

    Mr. CORNWELL. So, that was the only part of what we might call the Yarborough-Johnson feud that was even taken up by the President on his trip; is that correct?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Right.

 

 

Page 33

33

 

    In deference to my old home town of Fort Worth, Mr. Cornwell, and also to set the record straight, at least one publication in Fort Worth talked about a drab, sordid hotel room, the Presidential suite in which the President stayed. Well, it turned out it so happened that the Texas Hotel was, at that point, controlled by the Ammon Carter estate and C.D. Richardson estate. They had gone to great pains to do everything they could, once it was certain he was coming to Fort 'Worth, was going to stay at the Texas Hotel, to refurbish this suite and, as a matter of fact, Mrs. J. Lee Johnson III, Miss Ruth Carter Johnson, Mr. Ammon Carter's daughter had gone to the trouble to go to private homes around town and had borrowed paintings and Nelly helped me, but there was a Picasso in the suite, there was a Monet in the suite, a Van Gogh in the suite, and two or three more, so they probably had a couple million dollars worth of paintings just on the walls and I assure you they had done everything they could--the President was obviously impressed, and so was Mrs. Kennedy.

    The first thing he did the next day was to call Mrs. Johnson, Mrs. J. Lee Johnson III, who lived in Fort Worth, and thank her for her kindness and for her trouble and for her consideration and to tell her how delighted they were with the accommodations in the hotel, all of which means nothing except to kind of clear the air and set the record straight because things get told and then they get repeated, and I think, in all fairness, we ought not to

describe that suite as a rundown, sordid suite.

     Mrs. CONNALLY. It makes me mad.

     Mr. CORNWELL. The next morning, the one you have just been describing, of course, was November 22, 1963. The President had a breakfast and then a meeting with the chamber of commerce.

     Mr. CONNALLY. A what?

     Mr. CORNWELL. A breakfast scheduled; is that correct?

     Mr. CoNNALLY. Yes.

     Mr. CORNWELL. And thereafter, he had a speech in the parking lot; is that correct?

     Mr. CONNALLY. No, I believe he spoke in the parking lot first and

then he came back into the hotel, then, Mrs. Kennedy joined him. She did not go across the street to the parking lot, but she did join him and then they came into the breakfast together. I would guess this is now 9:25, 9:30, something like that.

 

 

Page 34

34

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-11

 

    Mrs. CONNALLY. He came first and made the statement that Jackie was pulling herself together and then turned to Vice President Johnson and said, "Lyndon, nobody pays any attention to what we wear," which I thought was funny, didn't you?

    Mr. CORNWELL. The morning, then, I take it, started off well; is that correct?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Extremely well.

    Mr. CORNWELL. The weather was somewhat drizzly, but apart from that, the schedule went well, the receptions, again, were as you described them on the previous day. Is that right?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, and there were 2,500 people in the breakfast that morning. So, the idea that he was meeting with a few exclusive, handpicked people is hardly true. That breakfast meeting alone, I think, had 2,500 people there.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Thereafter, you all again boarded Air Force One and flew to Dallas?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That's right.

    Mr. CORNWELL. You told us previously what types of concerns you had had about the motorcade in Dallas, the incident with Adlai Stevenson. Is there anything else that you can recall for us that went through your mind during that period of time as you were approaching Dallas and preparing to enter the motorcade?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, not really. There had been an ad, I have forgotten what it said, in the morning paper that morning about the trip. It was a somewhat derogatory ad, but I really was not apprehensive about anything except, as I said, that we might see an embarrassing sign or some rude statement or a few pickets here or there. But I must say, as Air Force One landed at the airport in

 

 

Page 35

35

 

Dallas, the Sun broke through, it was absolutely marvelous weather, could not have been better.

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-12

 

    The crowd at the airport was several thousand people. It was, again, an extremely receptive group of people who were out there, enthusiastic group of people. I recall that after President and Mrs. Kennedy shook hands with those in the receiving line, they went over and Vice President and Mrs. Johnson accompanied them, and they went over for 5 minutes or so, walked up and down the fence where there were thousands of people gathered and shaking hands and greeting people who came to the airport to see them.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Tell us then, if you would, in more detail, what happened as you all entered the limousine and began the motorcade.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, as these things are normally done, it was timed fairly well and we immediately got into the cars, the motorcade started.

    One thing I do recall, I said a moment ago that Mrs. Kennedy appeared to be much more relaxed, much more in the spirit of things. She was smiling more, obviously more at ease, but one little thing, the Sun was bright. It had come out bright and beautiful. The sky was beautiful, the clouds had dispersed and she put on her dark glasses. What did he say?

            Mrs. CONNALLY. He said, "Take your glasses off, Jackie."

 

 

Page 36

36

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-13

 

            Mr. CONNALLY. "Take your glasses off, Jackie." She kept them off for awhile and she just unconsciously put them back on.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. You could hear him again saying, "Take your glasses off, Jackie."

    Mr. CONNALLY. This happened a third time. Then, I think she finally left them off. But on the way down in the motorcade-again, the crowds were large--were enthusiastic. We stopped two or three times. I remember twice--in particular, there was a little girl, I guess she was 8 years old, who had a placard that said, "President Kennedy," something like, "will you shake hands with me?" and held up this sign. Well, he immediately stopped the car and shook hands with this little girl, and of course, the car

 

was mobbed. The minute the car stopped, here came the Secret Service. They got between the car, the limousine in which he was riding, and the mass of people who immediately surrounded the car. We extricated ourselves from this group and then went on.

    The other stop, we were halfway downtown, I suppose, when there was a nun, a sister, with a bunch of school children, obviously from a parochial school there, right by the car. And he stopped and spoke to them, and to the sister and to the children. We stopped a third time, I believe, along the route. But, uh----

    Mr. CORNWELL. What was the route, incidentally? Will you describe that for us? How did the motorcade go from the airport' to its destination site, which is the Trade Mart?

 

 

Page 37

37

 

DALLAS, TEXAS Presidential Motorcade Route

November 22, 1963

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-9

 

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think we went down Lemon Avenue to Turtle Creek and from Turtle Creek to Main and from Main to Houston, Houston to Elm, I believe.

    Mr. CORNWELL. So, at least the idea was it was basically a route which took you down through the heart of downtown Dallas?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Right through the heart of Dallas; no question about it. The further we got toward town, the denser became the crowds, and when we got down on Main Street, the crowds were extremely thick. They were pushed off of curbs; they were out in the street, and they were backed all the way up against the walls of the buildings. They were just as thick as they could be. I don't know how many. But, there were at least a quarter of a million people on the parade route that day and everywhere the reception was good. I told you a moment ago about the only sign we saw that was in the least bit unpleasant.

 

 

Page 38

38

 

 

 

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-10A and 10B

 

 

JFK EXHIBIT F-15

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Page 39

39

 

    Mr. CORNWELL. Mrs. Connally, at any point in the motorcade, did you have a chance to speak to the President?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes, we were having such a wonderful reception, and we were all so excited, and we had had through all these other cities, and I had restrained myself up to that point from saying anything, but I could no longer stand it, so I turned around to the President and I said, "Mr. President, you can't say Dallas doesn't love you."

    Mr. CORNWELL. And, where was that in the motorcade? At what point?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. That was just as we were right approaching the book depository.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Just before we turned.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Just before we turned.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Mr. Chairman, at this time, I think I might suggest to you we take a brief break and set up a projector and then show a film of the motorcade, which has been marked "JFK F-8."

    Chairman STOKES. So ordered.

    At this time, we will take a brief break to set up the film portion.

[A brief recess was taken.]

    Chairman STOKES. If everyone would take their seats again, the committee is ready to resume its sitting.

I also ask that the lights be dimmed at this time.

    The Chair recognizes Professor Blakey for a narration and presentation of the film.

    Mr. BLAKEY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would note initially that this is a copyrighted film.

    [At this point, a film began to be shown as Mr. Blakey described the events portrayed in it.]

    Mr. BLAKEY. November 22, 1963, 11:40 a.m., central standard time.

    President and Mrs. Kennedy arrive at Love Field, Dallas, on Air Force One after a brief flight from Fort Worth.

It is a bright, sunshiny day, though it had been raining earlier. The President and First Lady greet well-wishers at Love Field.

    Then, they join Gov. John B. Connally of Texas, and his wife Nelly.

    The Kennedys and Connallys get into the open Presidential limousine for the trip to the city. Plans to have the Presidential party enclosed in the limousine's bubble-top were abandoned when the rain stopped.

There is no need for top coats or hats; the temperature is 68°. Destination the International Trade Mart where the President is to deliver a luncheon address to an audience of businessmen. This is the last leg of the swing through Texas.

    Yesterday, the Presidential party visited San Antonio and Houston.

     Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson is riding in the limousine

behind the President, along with Texas Senator Ralph Yarborough. The motorcade left Love Field shortly after 11:50 a.m.

    The crowds that line the route get thicker as it reaches the business district of the city.

 

 

 

Page 40

40

 

    Main Street: The motorcade is approaching Dealey Plaza, an area where open lawns are surrounded by express highways and tall buildings.

    At the corner of Main and Houston, the motorcade makes a sharp 90° turn to the right and heads north for one block.

    The Texas School Book Depository is directly in front of the Presidential limousine.

    The book depository isn't shown. It is located to the immediate left of the picture.

    As the limousine approaches the intersection of Houston and Elm Streets, Mrs. Connally, as she indicated, elated by the reception, says, "Mr. President, you can't say Dallas doesn't love you." The President replies, "That's obvious."

    At Elm Street, the limousine makes a hairpin turn to the left and heads west passing the book depository.

    The film shows police motorcycles leading the limousine as it goes by the depository. The building in the background is the book depository. The window at the extreme right at the top of the picture is the one where earlier investigations have concluded Lee Harvey Oswald is located at this moment. It is about 12:30 p.m.

    As the President waves to the crowds, shots ring out, the President and Governor Connally are wounded. The President is struck in the head. The limousine speeds up heading for the Stemmons Freeway. Its destination is now Parkland Memorial Hospital.

At approximately 1 p.m., the President will be pronounced dead.

    Chairman STOKES. May we have the lights back, please.

The Chair recognizes Mr. Cornwell, counsel for the committee.

    Mr. CORNWELL. At this point, Mrs. Connally, I would like to ask you some questions about what your memory is of what happened on Elm Street after the limousine passed underneath the Texas School Book Depository.

    What distance, after turning the corner, do you recall the car going before you noticed something was wrong?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. Not very far. I don't really know how far. Do

you want me to just tell you everything I remember?

    Mr. CORNWELL. That will be fine.

    Mrs. CONNALLy. I heard--you know how we were seated in the car, the President and Mrs. Kennedy, John was in front of the President and I was seated in front of Mrs. Kennedy--I heard a noise that I didn't think of as a gunshot. I just heard a disturbing noise and turned to my right from where I thought the noise had come and looked in the back and saw the President clutch his neck with both hands.

    He said nothing. He just sort of slumped down in the seat. John had turned to his right also when we heard that first noise and shouted, "no, no, no," and in the process of turning back around so that he could look back and see the President--I don't think he could see him when he turned to his right--the second shot was fired and hit him. He was in the process of turning, so it hit him through this shoulder, came out right about here. His hand was either right in front of him or on his knee as he turned to look so that the bullet went through him, crushed his wrist and lodged in

 

 

Page 41

41

 

his leg. And then he just recoiled and just sort of slumped in his seat.

    I thought he was dead. When you see a big man totally defenseless like that, then you do whatever you think you can do to help most and the only thing I could think of to do was to pull him down out of the line of fire, or whatever was happening to us and I thought if I could get him down, maybe they wouldn't hurt him anymore. So, I pulled him down in my lap.

    We learned later--I read a lot of stories that upset me later because they said we slipped down into the floor, that John slid off, fell over into my lap. Those little jump seats were not very big and there was no way that he could have slid to the floor, there is no way either of us could have got to the floor.

    The only thing I could do was pull him down and by leaning over him, I hoped if anything else happened, they wouldn't hurt him anymore. I never looked back after John was hit. I heard Mrs. Kennedy say, "they have shot my husband."

    Then, I heard a third shot and felt matter cover us and she said, "They have killed my husband, I have his brains in my hand".  I thought was John was dead, and I heard the Secret Service man say, "Let's get out of here quick." So, we pulled out of the motorcade and we must have been a horrible sight flying down that freeway with those dying men in our arms and going to no telling where. We just see the crowds flashing by.

    John said nothing. I said only to him from the time I saw one little movement, that maybe he is still alive, and, I kept whispering to him, "Be still, it is going to be all right, be still, it is going to be all right."

    I have read stories where I screamed and he screamed and all these things. There was no screaming in that horrible car. It was just a silent, terrible drive. We got to the hospital, I guess it was the hospital, the car stopped and John was still in my lap, but I knew he was alive and people were swarming all around the car.

    They were trying to get Mrs. Kennedy to get out so they could get the President out and she didn't seem to want to get out of the car. I sat there for what seemed to me an awfully long time, but probably was just a few minutes, wondering how long I had to sit there with this man dying in my arms before I could ask somebody to do something.

    At that moment, John just sort of heaved himself up out of my arms and then just kind of collapsed in front of the door. And at that moment, the door opened and somebody picked him up and just ran off down the corridor and I ran along behind them.

    We got into what later I found was trauma room 1 and trauma room 2. The President was on a stretcher right behind us, I guess. I still had never looked back. John was in the room on the right-well, as we approached, the President was on the right and John was on the left and I stood there, so alone. I never have felt so alone in my life, and there was much commotion racing around us.

    I saw all sorts of artillery and weapons. I assume it was Secret Service or security, I don't know, racing up and down around the corridor. Finally, somebody brought two chairs and sat them outside these two doors, and I sat in one and Mrs. Kennedy sat in the other. I kept seeing all this commotion in the President's room, and

 

 

Page 42

42

 

I wondered if--I knew the President was dead, but I wondered if they weren't all over there and nobody taking care of John. The only thing that would calm me a little was I would get up now and then and just push open the door in the room where he was, and if I could see any movement or hear them saying anything, then I was content to wait.

    They sent me out one cuff link. Then they came out and took him down the corridor to the operating room and I just ran along behind the stretcher, not knowing what I was running to or what I was running from, but run I knew I must.

    And all during the surgery, which was 3 1/2 hours, I was in some little waiting room and the doctors were just wonderful.

    They kept sending messages out to me to say John would be alright, that the bullet had missed all the vital organs and where

he was in bad shape, he would be all right. What else?

    Mr. CORNWELL. Thank you, very much.

    Governor, let me ask you the same question. What is your memory of the events? What did you see and hear? What happened after the limousine started down Elm Street and passed underneath the Texas School Book Depository?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Mr. Cornwell, we had just turned to Elm. We had gone, I suspect, oh, 150, 200 feet when I heard what I thought was a rifle shot and I thought it came from--I was seated right, as you know, the jump seat right in front of the President, and they have a fairly straight back on them so I was sitting up fairly erect. I thought the shot came from back over my right shoulder, so I turned to see if I could catch a sight of the President out of the corner of my eye because I immediately had, frankly, had fear of an assassination because I thought it was a rifle shot.

    I didn't think it was a blowout or explosion of any kind. I didn't see the President out of the corner of my eye, so I was in the process of, at least I was turning to look over my left shoulder into the back seat to see if I could see him. I never looked, I never made the full turn. About the time I turned back where I was facing more or less straight ahead, the way the car was moving, I was hit. I was knocked over, just doubled over by the force of the bullet. It went in my back and came out my chest about 2 inches below and the left of my right nipple. The force of the bullet drove my body over almost double and when I looked, immediately I could see I was just drenched with blood. So, I knew I had been badly hit and I more or less straightened up. At about this time, Nelly reached over and pulled me down into her lap.

    I was in her lap facing forward when another shot was fired. I only heard two shots. I did not hear the shot that hit me. I wasn't conscious of it. I am sure I heard it, but I was not conscious of it at all. I heard another shot. I heard it hit. It hit with a very pronounced impact, just [slap of hands] almost like that. Almost that loud a sound; it made a very, very strong sound.

    Immediately, I could see blood and brain tissue all over the interior of the car and all over our clothes. We were both covered with brain tissue, and there were pieces of brain tissue as big as your little finger. It was something that was unmistakable. There was no question in my mind about what it was.

 

 

Page 43

43

 

    About this moment in time, Roy Kellerman, who was the Secret Service agent sitting in the right-front seat, pushed, apparently was pushing some buttons on the panel, doing what, I don't know. I heard him say, "Let's get out of here fast," and the car lurched forward then. Bill Greer was the driver. He accelerated it tremendously.

    When I was hit, or shortly before I was hit--no, I guess it was after I was hit--I said first, just almost in despair, I said, "no, no, no, just thinking how tragic it was that we had gone through this 24 hours, it had all been so wonderful and so beautifully executed. The President had been so marvelously received and then here, at the last moment this great tragedy. I just said, "no, no, no, no".   

Then I said right after I was hit, I said, "My God, they are going to

kill us all."   ....

    The shots came, in my judgment, the two shots I heard came from the same direction, back over my right shoulder, came from behind us. Very clear to me where they came from. I don't think any shots came from any other direction. I was conscious until we hit the Stemmons Freeway and then I faded into unconsciousness.

    I revived when the car came to a stop at what was Parkland Hospital. Apparently, the braking of the car--we must have been traveling at an enormous rate of speed--the braking of the car brought me back to consciousness and you know it is strange what thoughts run through your mind.

    The first thought that occurred to me was that I was in the jump seat, that the right door of the car was opposite my seat and that they couldn't reach the President. Well, I got out of the way and that is when I tried to raise myself up out of Nelly's lap and actually tried to get out of the car myself, so that they could get to him in the back seat.

I knew he was hit. I knew their first concern would be for the President. So, that was the reason why I lurched up, or tried to get up out of a reclining position. Of course, I couldn't. I wasn't able to. I got halfway up and just slumped again, as Nelly just told you. Then, someone did pick me up and put me on a stretcher and took me into an emergency room or trauma room, whatever it was.

    I obviously didn't know what it was. At that point, I felt the first pain, really, that I had experienced and when I was on the stretcher, I was laid out. Then, there was excruciating pain in my chest.

    At the time I was hit, strangely enough, I felt no sharp pain. It was as if someone had come up behind me with a doubled up fist and just hit me in the back right between the shoulder blades. It was that kind of a sensation.   

    I would have to volunteer the very, very strong opinion, I know much has been written, much has been discussed, I was being a participant, I can only give you my impressions, but I must say you, as I said to the Warren Commission, I do not believe, nor will I ever believe, that I was hit with the first bullet. I don't believe that. I heard the first shot. I reacted to the first  shot and I was not hit with that bullet: Now, there's a great deal of speculation that the President and I were hit with the same bullet that might well, be, but it surely wasn't the first bullet and Nelly doesn't think it's the second bullet. I don't know, I didn't hear the second bullet. I felt the second bullet. We obviously weren't hit by

 

 

Page 44

44

 

the third bullet. I was down reclining in her lap at the time the third bullet hit.

    Mr. CORNWELL. I am sorry, I didn't understand one statement. You said Mrs. Connally doesn't agree it was the second bullet or the same bullet?

    Mr. CONNALLY. The second bullet.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. That what?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That hit me. That hit him and me--

    Mrs. CONNALLY. No; I heard three shots, I had three reactions, three separate reactions. The first shot, then I looked and saw the President, the second shot, John, and third, all this matter all over us.

    Mr. CORNWELL. So you agree that your recollection is it was the second shot that hit the Governor?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I know it was the second shot that hit the Governor. 

    Mr. CORNWELL. And, where you disagree is as to the possibility or the question of whether or not it was the same bullet that hit, is that accurate, in other words, the Governor has no knowledge on that subject matter, would that be accurate, since you didn't turn around to see the President, after the first noise, you don't know whether he was hit and Mrs. Connally's recollection is that she did turn and saw him hold his throat before you were hit, is that accurate?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I did.

    Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct. I never saw him. I never saw Mrs. Kennedy after the shots were fired. I never saw either one of them, and I don't know when he was hit.

    Mr. CORNWELL. And you have testified that of the two shots that you have a memory of hearing, they both, your immediate impression was they came from the right rear?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct.

    Mr. CORNWELL. And I don't believe we heard what Mrs. Connally's recollection is on that. What was your impression as to the

direction from which the three shots you heard came?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. All from the right rear.

    Mr. CORNWELL. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions at this time.

    Chairman STOKES. At this time, the Chair will recognize the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. Devine, for extensive questioning, after which the committee will go under the 5 minute rule for other members of the committee who have questions of the witnesses. Mr. Devine.

    Mr. DEVINE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Governor and Mrs. Connally, I know this is very difficult for you to have to relive this situation again and again. I know that you, Governor, testified before the Warren Commission and I am not sure whether you did also.

[Mrs. Connally nods affirmatively.]

    Mr. DEVINE. We appreciate the fact that we are trying to refresh your recollection on something that happened nearly 15 years ago, although it appears to be quite vivid in your mind, and the responsibility of this committee, as you know, on the mandate from the House is to see whether or not there are any unturned stones or

 

 

Page 45

45

 

any evidence that has not been presented to the Warren Commission or that any different conclusions may result from the testimony of persons on the scene.

     Relating specifically to your testimony, Mrs. Connally, you heard one shot and you turned to your right and witnessed the President grasping his throat with both hands. Was anything said by anyone at that time?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. Nothing.

     Mr. DEVINE. Then what is the next sound you heard? You were

still looking back at the President. Did you hear another sound?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. I heard the second shot; yes.

     Mr. DEVINE. The second shot. Were you looking back at that

time or were you looking forward again?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. I don't know.

     Mr. DEVINE. You don't recall.

That second shot is the one that you said hit your husband?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I was horror stricken when I looked back, and I may have still been just looking.

    Mr. DEVINE. But at that time you heard the second shot?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. A difficult thing to believe.

    Mr. DEVINE. The second shot that you heard is the one that you believe hit Governor Connally?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. I know it hit Governor Connally.

     Mr. DEVINE. And then after you knew that he was hit, and you

pulled him over in your lap, you then heard the third shot?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

     Mr. DEVINE. And again from over your right shoulder?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

     Mr. DEVINE. Did you look back at that time?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. I never looked back after John was hit.

     Mr. DEVINE. Have you had any experience at all with fire arms---

     Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

     Mr. DEVINE [continuing]. Over the years?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

     Mr. DEVINE. Would you say in your judgement that shot you

heard, or the shots that you hear, were from a rifle or hand gun?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. Oh, no, I am not that much of an---

     Mr. DEVINE. You don't know?

     Mrs. CONNALLY. And, I'm not expert at all.

     Mr. DEVINE. All right.

     Mrs. CONNALLY [continuing]. In shooting.

     Mr. DEVINE. Governor, I think you testified that you heard but two shots and that you don't think that you heard the shot that struck you; is that accurate?

     Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct.

     Mr. DEVINE. Both of these came from over your right shoulder?

     Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, sir, from behind me and over my--back behind me over my right shoulder, that is correct.

     Mr. DEVINE. The first shot that you hear which caused you to look to your right, I think you said you didn't get far enough around to see the President, is that accurate?

     Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct.

 

 

Page 46

47

 

    Mr. DEVINE. Did you recognize any of the sound as being a rifle shot or hand gun shot?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I thought it was a rifle shot.

    Mr. DEVINE. Then you turned around and started to turn back around to look over your left shoulder to see what?

    Mr. CONNALLY. To see if the President was all right, because immediately the thought flashed through my mind that if this was a rifle shot, which I believed it to be, that it was probably an assassination attempt and I was trying to see if anything had happened in the automobile.

    Mr. DEVINE. Is that the time that you exclaimed, no, no, or was it later?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, it was a bit later, because I wasn't sure at that point in time that anything had happened, so it was a bit later when I said oh, no, no, no. This was after I realized I had been hit and, then I said my God, they are going to kill us all.

    Mr. DEVINE. As you turned from looking over you right shoulder, you are about facing forward, in the process of turning to look over

your left shoulder, when you were hit?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

    Mr. DEVINE. But you heard no shot?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, sir, I did not.   

    Mr. DEVINE. That caused you to pitch forward?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

    Mr. DEVINE. And you said you saw a great deal of blood?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

    Mr. DEVINE. Were you aware at that time that you were hit in the hand and leg also?

    Mr. CONNALLY. NO, sir, I was not.

    Mr. DEVINE. When did you first become aware of that, in the emergency room or elsewhere?

    Mr. CONNALLY. NO, I became aware of that when I regained consciousness on Sunday, I guess. On Sunday morning I woke up and regained consciousness to see my arm tied up in a sling and leg bandaged and I said what happened to my arm, and that is when I first learned that the bullet had gone through my chest and through my wrist and had broken all the bones in my wrist.

    Mr. DEVINE. Reflecting back, do you have an opinion that you would have been able to physically remove your body from your position on the jumpseat to a different position in the limousine during the time lapse between the first sound and the impact that hit you?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I am sorry, Congressman, do you mind--

    Mr. DEVINE. To put it this way, I think either you or Ms. Connally said that the jumpseats were so close to the back of the front seat that there was no way that you could have slumped to the floor?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Right.

    Mr. DEVINE. And that the only position you could have ultimately moved into was to be over on Mrs. Connally's lap, is that accurate?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think that is a correct statement.

 

Page 47

47

 

    Mr. DEVINE. I believe you testified in response to Mr. Cornwell that you heard only two shots, they came from behind, there was not any from any other direction, is that accurate?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct.

    Mr. DEVINE. Mrs. Connally, would you also make the same statement?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Except that I heard all three.

    Mr. DEVINE. Is it possible that there could have been more than three shots, as far as you recollection is concerned?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I guess anything is possible, but I heard three shots.

    Mr. DEVINE. You heard three definitely, no less, and probably no more, is that right?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. That is all I heard.

    Mr. DEVINE. Governor Connally, you said you heard two shots?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That is right.

    Mr. DEVINE. The one that hit you you apparently did not hear?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct.

    Mr. DEVINE. I would take it then by negative implication that

you heard no shots coming from your right front?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, sir, I did not.

    Mr. DEVINE. In the area that has often been described as the grassy knoll?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, sir. And I don't believe any came from there.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. We responded to all these shots, so if something came from the front we certainly would have responded to it, a noise from the front, I would think.

    Mr. DEVINE. All right, getting back prior to the time of the actual shooting, I think you indicated earlier, Governor, that you had been in, or your people had been in, somewhat of a dispute with Mr. Bruno and others relative to even having a motorcade?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, sir. May I, Congressman Devine, at that point ask that the record be corrected. In testifying here you reach for times and events and names and unfortunately I have confused the situation, I suspect, to the bewilderment of one and the embarrassment of the other, and I said Mr. Hal Bruno. Mr. Hal Bruno is with Newsweek and now I understand with ABC, and it wasn't Hal Bruno at all, it was Jerry Bruno, who came down as advance man for President Kennedy, so I would hope the record would be clarified and corrected, because earlier I testified in response to Mr. Cornwell that Mr. Hal Bruno did so and so, it was not Mr. Hal Bruno, it was Mr. Jerry Bruno.

    Mr. DEVINE. Fine. I am sure the record will be so corrected. Governor, I think you testified earlier that you thought perhaps it would be well to avoid the motorcade because of the very trying day that the President was going through, the number of appearances he had to make, the number of speeches he had to make, and the pressures. Did you have any reason to believe that there might have been some incident on a motorcade route?

    Mr. CONNALLY. None at all, Congressman Devine.

    Mr. DEVINE. You had no prior information that would suggest that there may have been problems?

    Mr. CONNALLY. None at all.

 

 

Page 48

48

 

    Mr. DEVINE. I think there was some testimony that there were, I don't think they used the word kooks, but some extremist that might display signs or make remarks that might be embarrassing to the President.

    Mr. CONNALLY. When I said not at all, I was speaking in terms I had no indication, no knowledge, no reason to suspect that there would be any acts of violence. I assumed from the very beginning when the President came that somewhere along the route, San Antonio, Houston, Fort Worth, Dallas, Austin, somewhere that there might be pickets, there might be some embarrassing signs or something of that kind. Yes; I did assume we would encounter that and frankly we encountered only one that I remember, and that is far less than I anticipated.

    Mr. DEVINE. I suppose you were also, at least in the back of your mind, aware of the incidents that had occurred to Ambassador

Stevenson as well as General Walker?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

    Mr. DEVINE. And these were matters of concern to you, but you still had no anticipation that anything of violence might occur, is that correct?

    Mr. CONNALLY. NO, sir, and my objection to the motorcade really was not based on any apprehension of violence, Congressman Devine, it was as I have testified earlier, in order to try to save the President the wear and tear of a motorcade and to basically conserve time.

    Mr. DEVINE. At any juncture during the planning and scheduling did you specifically discuss with the Secret Service what possible harm might come to the President, and, if so, from what source? Either you or your people?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Congressman, I don't think so. Some of our people might have raised that point with the Secret Service but I doubt it, because in none of our discussions or planning sessions did we dwell on that subject or make any point of it. It really was not a matter that we were fearful of, frankly.

    Mr. DEVINE. But if you had had your way there would have been no motorcade through the downtown area, you would have gone directly to the---

    Mr. CONNALLY. Trade Mart.

    Mr. DEVINE. Trade Mart, right.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes. As a matter of fact, it was quite a point of dispute, as I say, and we never did agree to it, and finally they not only said we are going to have a motorcade but we are going to publish the route of it, and I said, well, that is crazy, I said, because here again I was thinking only in terms of pickets or embarrasing signs or things of that sort, but indeed they did, they ran a map of the parade route 3 or 4 days, I think it was Tuesday before the Friday, in the Dallas papers. Full route of the motorcade.

    Mr. DEVINE. Did the newspaper publish the exact route of the motorcade?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think it did. They might have altered the route a bit from that published map but I think it was a map, precise map of the motorcade.

 

 

Page 49

49

 

    Mr. DEVINE. That was published in sufficient time for someone with perhaps a sinister motive to have placed themselves in the book depository or elsewhere? Is that so?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think it was published on Tuesday and, of course, the event occurred on Friday, so they had that much time.

    Mr. DEVINE. Mr. Cornwell has pretty well covered all other elements of the situation, Governor, and I again thank you for your

cooperation, and you, Mrs. Connally, for being here.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Thank you, Congressman.

    Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair

recognizes the gentleman from North Carolina, Mr. Preyer.

    Mr. PREYER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Governor Connally and Mrs. Connally, I know, as Mr. Devine said, that reliving this experience must be an emotional matter for you and all who have watched you cannot help but admire your courage in the way you have done that.

    I don't know what the stories are that you refer to, Mrs. Connally, about your conduct after this, but anyone who heard you today certainly could have no questions about your courage and the character with which you faced this. I also think you brought back to us in a dramatic way the warmth and excitement of the Dallas reception, something that we have lost sight of through the years because of the way it ended in tragedy.

    I only had one question following up what Mr. Devine asked, and it is along the line of what information and how early the information would have been known as to the President's route.

    Lee Harvey Oswald went to work for the Dallas Book Depository on October 15, 1963. How soon after that, if you recall, Governor Connally, would he have known that the President was coming to Dallas?

    Mr. CONNALLY. He could have known it before that time, I suspect. I believe the time of the publication of the Baskin story in the Dallas paper was September 26, when the story first appeared that November 21-22 had been chosen as the dates of the President's visit.

    Mr. PREYER. So he would have known he was coming to Dallas perhaps even earlier than his employment date, but he would not have known the parade route until Tuesday?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I don't think he could have, Congressman Preyer, because up until the very last, frankly, of that week, we were still arguing about it. We were still arguing, one, whether or not there would be a motorcade at all, two, if there was a motorcade, whether or not the route of the motorcade would be published. And frankly, those who were proponents of the motorcade and of the route wanted to get the maximum public exposure for the President, and that was the basic reason for the motorcade, but that issue was not settled until that week, the week of the visit, so I am sure he couldn't have known precisely prior to that time because I don't think anyone knew.

    Mr. PREYER. Well, from your experience in Texas and national politics wasn't that the normal parade route through Dallas that was taken? Have you been involved in other parades?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, it is a normal and logical route to take, down Lemon to Turtle Creek. You can go down either Main or

 

 

Page 50

50

 

Commerce depending on what your ultimate destination was. But since we were going to the Trade Mart, it was a logical way to go, although we could have chosen one of the other streets that runs parallel to Main and Commerce just as well, but probably we saw more people on the streets that we traveled.

    Mr. PREYER. Thank you once again for your testimony.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Thank you, Congressman Preyer.

    Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from the District of Columbia, Mr. Fauntroy.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you also, Governor and Mrs. Connally. We do appreciate you recalling the events in Dallas with such great detail.

    I simply have a couple of questions dealing with the timing of the publication of the trip: Who knew what and when. I wonder, Governor Connally, can you tell us who could have been aware of your talks with the President on June 5 in El Paso?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, namely, I would say there were only four of us, maybe five. The President, the Vice President, was there as I recall, well, I am sure Kenny O'Donnell was there, I was there. After that time, I am sure they talked about it, the White House, I am sure the Vice President talked to members of his staff about it. I certainly went home and talked to various members of my staff and the State Democratic Party machinery, because we were at that point in effect committed to a Presidential visit some time that fall, but the details certainly were not known then.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. Do you recall whether you released publicity at that time about the President's desire to come to Texas?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I don't believe there was any but I could be wrong about that, I don't recall any.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. You set no tentative schedule at that time?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. Was there any information at that time that a motorcade would or would not be used?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, I don't think so, Congressman; no.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. Was Dallas listed as one of the cities that might

be visited?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think from the very outset, from the time of the first announcement, which I don't think occurred that early, I think Dallas was listed as one of the cities; yes, as probably one of the cities that would be visited.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. You had a visit to the White House on October 4?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, sir.            

    Mr. FAUNTROY. Do you recall now how much information had been disclosed to the public by that time?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think very little because it hadn't jelled really

at that point, the details had not been worked out at that point.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. On October 3 you met with members of the Texas delegation to the Congress here--and, do you recall what details about the Presidential visit were discussed with them?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, I don't, but I suspect no details other than

the fact that there probably was going to be a Presidential visit, because when I went in on October 4, really the President was still

 

 

Page 51

51

 

talking about the four or five fundraising dinners and we really had not made the ultimate decision about the visit.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentleman and Mrs. Connally, and I will yield back the balance of my time at this time.

Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired.

    The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Connecticut, Mr. McKinney.

    Mr. MCKINNEY. Governor, nice to see you again. I want to thank both you and Mrs. Connally for coming and helping us.

    When was the final decision made or when did you finally get your way that the speech would be made at the Trade Mart instead of the Women's Building?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I don't remember, Congressman, the precise date, but I would guess it was a couple of weeks before the visit.

    Mr. MCKINNEY. Basically, that was a decision on your part so that the President could appeal to the conservative faction of the party in Texas?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, well basically, the Women's Building is in the fairground part of the city. The Trade Mart at that time was a new, exciting building, out on the Stemmons Freeway, it is a magnificent facility, it is a beautiful facility. I thought it was the type of thing that particularly reflected the flare and the style of both President and Mrs. Kennedy. It was a new building, it is a tremendous thing with an enormous vaulted ceiling.

    The Secret Service had some doubts about it because it had balconies around, but we filled all those balconies with tables. And it was just a better facility, better parking, easier to get to for everyone, because you get to it off the Stemmons Freeway, and I thought it just frankly was a much better facility in order to accommodate the crowd that we wanted to have, 1,800, 2,000 people there, to hear the President.

    I didn't know at the time there was a big argument about whether we go to the Women's Building or the Trade Mart. I didn't go to either of them at the time. Most of these arguments arose at the staff level and those that they couldn't settle I would finally hear about and get a hold of and sometimes I would just make a decision we are going to do thus and so and sometimes I would call somebody at the White House and get it worked out, but this went on constantly.

    Mr. McKINNEY. In any event, at either building, the motorcade would have had to go through some part of Dealey Plaza?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, in any event the motorcade certainly would have gone through downtown. It would not necessarily have had to go through Dealey Plaza, no, sir. If the Women's Building had been chosen, it could have gone another route, and probably would have gone another route.

    Mr. McKINNEY. I see. If you had gone through Dealey Plaza to the Women's Building, Mrs. Kennedy would have been literally in the line of fire, rather than the President. Is that correct?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, if you had gone by the school book depository, that is correct.

    Mr. McKINNEY. Thank you very much.

    Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired.

 

 

Page 52

52

 

The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Connecticut, Mr. Dodd.

    Mr. DODD. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Governor and Mrs. Connally, to repeat what my colleagues have said, we do appreciate your being here this morning, particularly in recounting what must have been one of the most agonizing if not the most agonizing moments of your lives.

    I would like to just go back over, if I could, those seconds at the time that the shots rang out. Let me try and repeat what I understood to be your testimony, you correct me if I am wrong anywhere in terms of my understanding of the sequence of events as they occurred.

    First, you, Mrs. Connally, because there is a bit of a difference as I heard both of your responses.

    You heard a shot, what appeared or sounded like a shot, a sharp

noise, to you? You turned to your left or your right?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. My right.

    Mr. DODD. You turned to your right. As you turned around and

saw the President, you saw him clutching his throat?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I saw him reach up to his throat.

    Mr. DODD. Both hands were on his throat?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

    Mr. DODD. Did you see any blood at all?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. No.

    Mr. DODD. Then did you turn back or did you hear the second shot?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. See, I don't know, I don't know.

    Mr. DODD. You don't know which you did first?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. What do you mean?

    Mr. DODD. Well, you saw him clutch.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I looked back and I guess I just stayed looking back until I heard the second shot.

    Mr. DODD. So, you are still looking at the President and it is your

recollection that you then heard what sounded like a second shot?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

    Mr. DODD. Is that correct?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes. What was a second shot.

    Mr. DODD. At that point your husband, Governor Connally, slumped over in your direction?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. No, he lunged forward and then just kind of collapsed

    Mr. DODD. And, then collapsed.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. But not just straight up.

    Mr. DODD. And then you heard a third shot or what appeared to be a third shot?   

    Mrs. CONNALLY. After I pulled him down.

    Mr. DODD. You did hear--

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I did hear a third shot.

    Mr. DODD. At that point you then noticed the material?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. All over.

    Mr. DODD. The blood and so forth?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

    Mr. DODD. When you turned and saw the President holding his throat, as I understood your testimony, the President didn't utter any sound or any word at all, to your recollection?

 

 

Page 53

53

 

            Mrs. CONNALLY. Nothing.

     Mr. DODD. Now. Governor, as I understood it from what your

testimony was, you heard what sounded like a shot?

     Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct.

     Mr. DODD. And you turned to your right?

     Mr. CONNALLY. Right.

     Mr. DODD. But you did not see the President when you turned around?

     Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct, I didn't turn all the way around, I was sitting, basically facing forward. I heard the shot, I looked over my right shoulder, I did not see the President out of the corner of my eye, and I mentally said I will turn to my left and see if I can see him, and I never made that full turn, I got halfway back facing forward when I was hit.

     Mr. DODD. And did I understand your testimony correctly when you stated that you didn't actually hear a second shot but rather you felt the impact as if someone had punched you almost in the back, a sharp blow to your back?

     Mr. CONNALLY. That is absolutely correct.

     Mr. DODD. But you did not hear that?

     Mr. CONNALLY. I was not conscious of hearing the second shot.

     Mr. DODD. Did you hear what could have been a second or a third shot? That was the only shot you heard, was the one that caused you to turn to your right?

     Mr. CONNALLY. No, I heard another shot which was the shot that was fired after Nellie had pulled me down into her lap. It was the second shot I heard, the third shot she heard.

     The second shot I heard was the one that hit the President in the head.

     Mr. DODD. OK. You did not immediately go unconscious?

     Mr. CONNALLY. No, I did not. I knew exactly what was happening in the car and I didn't testify to a moment ago but I should because I remember precisely what my wife remembers. I heard Mrs. Kennedy say "they have killed my husband," and then she said, in just an incredulous voice,  I have got his brains in my hand.  I heard that. I was still conscious. I heard Roy Kellerman say to Bill Green, the driver, and perhaps to others, get out of here fast. Those things, that is all that was said in that car.

     Mr. DODD. Recognizing, of course, we are now asking you to recall something that occurred this many years ago, but if I could ask you to quantify in a frame of time, how long a period would it have been between the time you heard that first noise, that sounded to you as if it were a shot, you turned right, and the period in which you felt the impact in your back?

     Mr. CONNALLY. Congressman, you know, I think it is impossible for me to say with precision, but obviously a very short period of time, a matter of seconds, because it was, you know, I think undoubtedly a fairly fluid movement. I heard the shot, I reacted by looking, I saw nothing, and I was in the process of turning when I felt the impact. I guess 6, 8, or 10 seconds, in that range, but I certainly couldn't be more precise than that, but it wasn't long.

     Mr. DODD. Could it have been a second? What you are telling me it is more like 2, 3, 4 seconds. It wasn't something that happened almost instantaneously?

 

 

Page 54

54

 

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, it was not. It could not have been 1 second.

    Mr. DODD. Thank you both.

    Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions.

    Chairman STOKES. Time of the gentleman has expired.

The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Indiana, Mr. Fithian.

    Mr. FITHIAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Governor and Mrs. Connally, welcome; under the circumstances, we deeply appreciate your help.

    Governor, the two shots you heard, did they sound exactly alike, as nearly as you can remember?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Did they sound exactly--

    Mr. FITHIAN. Exactly alike?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes. I found, I remember no distinction, Congressman Fithian, between the two shots.

    Mr. FITHIAN. And the shot that struck you, just in that split second, before you heard that or felt that impact, did you hear any other impact like the third shot made? Was there any sound in the split second before impact somewhere else before it hit you?

     Mr. CONNALLY. No.

     Mr. FITHIAN. Now, if I understand your summary, Mrs. Connally, the first shot would have come through the President's throat, and that was, you said---

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I assumed when I saw him.

    Mr. FITHIAN. And it was the second shot that hit the Governor?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes.

    Mr. FITHIAN. And it wasn't until after the third shot that you saw the brain matter, and so forth?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Instantly, the shot, the car was covered, it was like buckshot falling all over us.

    Mr. FITHIAN. So your clear recollection is that you can account for something happening with each of the three shots that you heard fired?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Yes, sir.

    Mr. FITHIAN. Governor, you testified earlier, I believe, that you thought that both shots fired were rifle shots. You feel that you are able to distinguish between a rifle and pistol shot?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I guess you could simulate circumstances under which I would probably fail the test, Congressman, but I think I can distinguish the difference. At least at that point in time I thought it was a rifle shot to me, and I haven't in all the intervening years, have not run any tests, I have not listened to any tests, but to me a pistol shot has a flatter, louder kind of a bang type of sound to it. A rifle shot has a rather singing crack to it. It is more like a crack and then you get a kind of singing sound with a rifle shot, and it is an entirely different sound from a pistol, from a shotgun, from a rifle.

    Mr. FITHIAN. One last question, Mr. Chairman. When you heard any of the two shots that you heard, Governor, or any of the three that you heard, Mrs. Connally, was there any echo; did you hear any echo from the building, or was there any sort of a sound effect along with it?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. No.

 

 

Page 55

55

 

    Mr. CONNALLY. Congressman, I wasn't conscious of any echoes. I am sure there probably were some but I certainly was not aware of them.

    Mr. FITHIAN. What you heard was a very clear distinct shot, period; that is your recollection?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, sir, absolutely.

    Mr. FITHIAN. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Chairman STOKES. The time of the gentleman has expired.

The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Michigan, Mr. Sawyer.

    Mr. SAWYER. Governor and Mrs. Connally I recognize that you probably don't view yourselves as a ballistics expert, by any means, but I assume you have done some hunting and you are familiar with firearms, from the way you talk?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes, I have done a great deal.

    Mr. SAWYER. So we are not talking to someone totally inexperienced when we are talking about whether or not you can identify a rifle shot?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, sir, I have shot a rifle all my life and have done a great deal of hunting.

    Mr. SAWYER. I suppose, too, that--I have just been thinking since I heard your testimony and I am sure you have thought about it, many, many more times, and without either being a medical expert or a ballistic expert, I presume it is reasonable to assume that with a Mannlicher/Carcano traveling at least twice the speed of sound, the projectile must be 2,200 feet per second, or more, I assume, that the bullet would reach you before the sound would reach you, and with that kind of an impact on your nervous system, whether conscious or not, you probably wouldn't have registered the sound, if there was one, of the bullet that hit you?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I think that is precisely what happened, Congressman, no question about it. That is why I don't think there is anyway the first bullet hit me. I heard that sound. And I had not been hit, I heard the first rifle shot, and I did not hear, was not conscious of the shot that hit me, and obviously the bullet reached me before the sound did. So the shock of the hit that I took, I was just totally unconscious of the sound, yet by the third shot, when Mrs. Connally pulled me down in her lap, I was awake, my eyes were open, I heard the shot fired, I heard it hit, and I saw the results, very clearly and you know--you have a lot of expert testimony, and I am delighted with the work of this committee, because hopefully we can clear up some of the speculation and the questions that have been asked over the years, but let me assure you that we may be wrong in what we say, we may be wrong in our impression, we may be wrong when asked precise questions about time, whether it is 2 seconds or 10 seconds under those circumstances I can't say with certainty the precise second that things happen, but the things that we do remember, and the things that we are testifying to here today, Congressman, are as indelibly etched in our minds as anything could ever be, and I will merely ask you to give yourselves the test, ask any adult person, over the age of 30, in this country, or over the age of 35 we will say, where they were when they first heard the news of the assassination. They can tell you where they were, what they were doing, and who they were with. I have not asked one human being in the world,

 

 

Page 56

56

 

not anywhere in the world, that hasn't been able to tell me where they were, what they were doing, and who they were with at the time they first heard the news.

    The only point I am making is that there are certain impacts on human consciousness, on the human mind, that are indelibly etched there, now, and these things are engraved in our minds, beyond any doubt.

    I can't, I am not going to argue with a ballistic expert or acoustics expert about the precise time or the frame of the Zapruder films, I can't tell you precisely whether it is frame 231 or 234, when the first evidence shows that I am reacting to the shot, but what we are saying to you, the things that we say to you with certain definiteness, it is because we are absolutely sure, at least in our own minds, that that is what happened and that is what we remember.

    Mr. SAWYER. I want to join the rest of my colleagues in expressing our appreciation to you, Governor and Mrs. Connally, for coming up, and I want to compliment you on the obvious frankness touched with a little humor, as best you can in this kind of situation, and your warmth coming across, I appreciate it very much. It kind of gave me a perspective on this that somebody there can only give. You got across as good a communication of it, at least to me, as I have heard.

    Chairman STOKES. Mr. Edgar.

    Mr. EDGAR. Thank you, Governor and Mrs. Connally. I, too, want to welcome you here and to compliment you on your frankness in sharing your firsthand knowledge of this tragic event.

    I just have two lines of questioning, which will be very brief. I noted in the schedule that on November 21 there was a motorcade through Houston; is that correct?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Well, there was a motorcade; yes, in a sense. We went from the airport, Havre Airport, where the plane landed, down the Gulf Freeway to downtown Houston and we had, as I say, we rather planned it this way because it was a way to automatically assure yourself of a crowd.

    Mr. EDGAR. Were the crowds similar in Houston as they were in Dallas?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No; they were not because it was not the same type of event. We didn't plan a motorcade of that type. What occurred in Houston was we were going against the grain of the traffic, the Gulf Freeway was four lanes wide bumper to bumper leaving Houston going out past Havre Airport. We were going into town so there were literally thousands of cars on the freeway and all the traffic just stopped when they saw the motorcade, they knew who it was, they knew the President was coming.

    So people were standing on their fenders, if they had fenders, if not, they opened the door, stood inside the car, they were in the pickups, shouting and waving and that sort of thing. There was not the mass number of people that we saw at either San Antonio or Dallas.

    Mr. EDGAR. And the speed of the motorcade was different?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Was entirely different. I would say in Houston we were traveling at least probably 50 miles an hour.

 

 

Page 57

57

 

    Mr. EDGAR. The motorcade in Dallas on the 22d was for a slightly different purpose, it was not just to arouse the crowds but was in

fact to be worked by the President in a slow moving motorcade?

    Mr. CONNALLY. That is correct.

    Mr. EDGAR. Were the automobiles in both motorcades identical?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think so. I think the President's car was flown from one place to another. I think we were riding in the same car.

    Mr. EDGAR. Do you know if the President's car was equipped with any kind of facility to have visual sighting of the President even with the top down?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Yes; I think we had a bubble top but it was never used.

    Mr. EDGAR. Do you know whose decision it was not to use the bubble top?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, sir.

    Mr. EDGAR. And the bubble top was not used in Houston either?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, sir.

    Mr. EDGAR. Were there any different security procedures that you know of for the Dallas motorcade?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I don't think so, Congressman. If there were any there were probably more people involved simply because of the nature of the visit to Dallas, we were going to have the motorcade, it was going to be a motorcade where we were traveling at 25 miles an hour, as opposed to 50 miles an hour on the Gulf Freeway in Houston, for instance, so I think there were a great many more security people involved up and down the parade route in Dallas than there were in Houston.

    That was a normal thing, I don't think it was unusual because of any anticipated difficulties.

    Mr. EDGAR. But you were not approached by the Secret Service to do anything special?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, the Secret Service were working with department of public safety and the Dallas Police Department and I don't

recall any real difficulties with respect to security.

    Mr. EDGAR. Thank you. Just one final question.

    I was wondering about the injuries that you have received, the shot through the right shoulder and the wrist injury and the leg injury, are they recurring problems for you at this time?

    Mr. CONNALLY. No, sir. The shoulder injury, the back injury, was healed fairly well. The bullet split my right lung and as I recall, the doctor told me it was like it had been cut with a knife, they took out, I believe, the fifth and sixth ribs, but I learned something new, the ribs grew back, which I didn't realize they would do.

    So the only thing I have had over the years, and that is my fault, not any medical problem, my right shoulder and arm have been a bit weaker than the left simply because I think I didn't do enough exercising with it after the injury to rebuild the muscles and at least one muscle was cut in the process by either the shot or the operation.

    The wrist is fine. Dr. Gregory, when he set the wrist, told me that he thought it would not heal properly because he had no bone to tie to, and he would do his best, that we would probably have to rebreak the wrist and reset it after some of the bones healed because it broke every bone in the wrist, but after about 90 days,

 

Page 58

58

 

when they finally took the cast off, the wrist had healed sufficiently to where we weren't about to break that wrist, and I have substantially all the use of it, the only thing I can't do is to turn my wrist over.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. He can't take change but I can pick it up for him.

    Mr. CONNALLY. It is strange, little things like that. This is where you recognize it. To take change I have to do this kind of thing, to flatten my hand, because normally you can hold your elbow on the table and flip your hand over. I can't do it. There is a stiffness in the wrist but there is no pain associated with it, no disability at all, and the leg has caused me no trouble. So I am in fine shape.

    Mr. EDGAR. There is absolutely no doubt in your mind that all of the injuries that occurred to you occurred by one bullet passing through your body.?

    Mr. CONNALLY. I think beyond any question it did. Congressman, probably I should add in response to your question that one of the reasons I may have had the wrist injury, I had a hat that day, and sometimes I had the hat on and sometimes I didn't, and when I didn't have it on I was holding the thing, and, of course, the President never wore one.

    When I held it, I normally held it in pretty much this position. I held it in front of me and I suspect that one of two things happened, and I don't remember precisely, that I was either holding my hat, so that when that bullet came out of my chest right here and went right into my arm and down into my leg, or that is one explanation of why my wrist was broken, or in the process of turning perhaps I had put my right arm on my left leg to make it turn to my left, as I testified, I would not have done that to look over my right shoulder, it would have been the reverse type of movement, my right arm would have been to my right, looking over my right shoulder, but in the process of turning to look over my left shoulder, it is a logical thing to move your arm, and maybe I put it on my wrist, and maybe I had my hat in my hand, but in any event, the wrist happened to be right in front of the place where the bullet came out.

    Mr. EDGAR. Thank you.

    I have no further questions, Mr. Chairman.

    Chairman STOKES. The time of the gentleman has expired.

    The Chair recognizes the gentleman from the District of Columbia, Mr. Fauntroy, for additional questions.

     Mr. FAUNTROY. Yes sir, Mr. Chairman, thank you.

    I just have one question on the firing. Governor, and Mrs. Connally, both of you are familiar with the single bullet theory, are you not? My question, Governor Connally, is, given Mrs. Connally's recollection that there were three shots: The first of which hit the President, the second of which hit you, and the third of which hit the President; I wonder if it is your impression that the first shot that you heard missed, or whether it is your impression that the first shot which you heard was the first

 

shot which Mrs. Connally heard, which in her view caused the President to grab his throat?

    Mr. CONNALLY. Do you want to answer that?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. No.

 

 

Page 59

59

 

    Mr. CONNALLY. I will answer it. I don't know what the first shot did. All I know, all I am certain of in my own mind is that the first shot did not hit me. Now, according to Mrs. Connally's testimony, the first shot did hit the President and that is when she turned around and saw him grasp his throat.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. And later, the doctors said that there was a bullet that went through the fleshy part of his neck, that would not have killed the President, had that been the only shot he took.

So obviously that is why he was reaching up for his throat.

    Mr. FAUNTROY. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

    Chairman STOKES. The time of the gentleman has expired. The gentleman from Indiana.

    Mr. FITHIAN. One quick followup question.

    When you turned, Mrs. Connally, and saw the President, do you remember seeing the Governor, seeing where he was looking?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. No; I heard the noise, I turned in the direction

of the noise, and I observed the President and I was horrified.

    Mr. FITHIAN. Thank you.

    Chairman STOKES. The time of the gentleman has expired. Mr. Cornwell, anything further?

    Mr. CORNWELL. NO, Mr. Chairman.

    Chairman STOKES. Governor Connally and Mrs. Connally, under the rules of our committee, any witness appearing before our committee giving testimony is to be extended 5 minutes at the conclusion of their testimony, for the purpose of explaining or in any way amplifying or expanding upon their testimony before the committee. I wish to extend to both of you at this time 5 minutes in order to make any further comments that you so desire?

    Mrs. CONNALLY. I have nothing.

    Mr. CONNALLY. Mr. Chairman, let me, for both of us, express our gratitude to you, Chairman Stokes, and to all the members of the committee, to the staff of the committee, for what has been an obvious workman-like approach that staff has used in trying to develop all of the facts relating to this tragic event in the life of this Nation.

    Unfortunately, I think for the peace of mind of a great many people, much speculation has arisen, many rumors have flowed, many theories have been advanced. This committee is going to be faced, I think, with the same task that the Warren Commission was faced with; namely, how do you prove a negative, how do you prove there was no conspiracy? I think that is the task that you have.

    You have assembled a staff of obviously competent people with a determination to try to adduce all of the evidence that is available in the world, to properly analyze it and to properly present it, and to that extent I think the committee is undertaking a task which I am fearful will not answer all of the problems but, nevertheless, your report will undoubtedly shed a great deal of light on the tragedy that this Nation had and that this Nation will live with.

    I wish I could believe that all of the speculation will end, that all the answers will be given, all the rumors dispelled, all the theories dissipated, but I don't believe that, and it won t be the fault of the staff nor the fault of this committee, I think it will be a mere result of circumstances that are incapable of proof.

 

 

Page 60

60

 

    But for your effort and for your time, for your obvious dedication, we are grateful because we have obviously been a part of this event and we will always be a part of it, and so the more that the American people can understand I think the better the Nation is.

    I would make one other comment, Mr. Chairman, that is a gratuitous comment, that I hope is not inappropriate at this moment.

    Part of your task is to analyze the effectiveness of the Secret Service, the FBI, the other police agencies in the furtherance of their duties with respect to this tragic occurence. As Secretary of the Treasury, as you know, I had jurisdiction over the Secret Service. On many occasions, I talked to them about the problem of personal security of a President, of visiting dignitaries, and others. I happen to be of the view very much as your chief counsel, Mr. Blakey, said of President Kennedy, if there is

 

 a determined assassin, that beyond any question he can be successful. I don't think there is enough protection that any man in public life is going to surround himself with that will preclude a determined assassin from carrying out his mission.

    I can only say to you that I think the Secret Service was determined and dedicated to protect the life of the President, and unfortunately they failed. Senator Kennedy had security but they were unable to cope with his assassin.

    President Ford, if you will recall, also had security, a great amount of security, but they probably would have failed, too, if the young lady had known how to use a gun.

    So, that finally, I am simply saying to you I don't know that any political figure in this country can be spared an assassin's bullet if indeed there is a dedicated assassin. So I would hope that the American people would understand that the mere fact that the Secret Service failed was not a failure of desire, not a failure of dedication, not a failure of talent, but rather a failure of an evitable circumstance.

    Finally, again, let me express for Mrs. Connally and myself our appreciation for your kindness and for your courtesy and for the tremendous task that you have undertaken.

    Chairman STOKES. Governor, if I can just say to both you and Mrs. Connally on behalf of this committee, and the House of Representatives, we are indeed grateful to you for having appeared here today. Both of you in a very articulate way have made a contribution to our work, for which we are indeed grateful, and we thank you for having been here. Thank you very much.

    Mrs. CONNALLY. Thank you, sir.

    Chairman STOKES. Our hearing is now recessed until 2 p.m. this afternoon.

    [Whereupon, at 12:30 p.m., the committee was recessed, to reconvene at 2 p.m., the afternoon of the same day.]

 

AFTERNOON SESSION

 

    Chairman STOKES. The committee will come to order. The Chair, at this time, recognizes Professor Blakey.

 

 

G. Robert  Blakey

Page 61

61

 

 

 

Contact Information  tomnln@cox.net

 

Page Visited

Times