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RICHARD HELMS-CIA

PERJURY-HELMS

 

"The people will recognize that the CIA was behaving during those years like a rogue elephant rampaging out of control . . ."
-Sen. Frank Church, Chairman of Select Committee on Intelligence, July 1975

Rogue Elephant
The Drug Trade, the Kennedy Assassination, and the War in Vietnam
Kent Heiner

For almost forty years, the circumstances surrounding the death of President John F. Kennedy have been the subject of controversy. From time to time scholars, witnesses, and commentators have come forth offering some sort of sweeping explanation, as if to settle the controversy once and for all. Rather than offering a final analysis of the assassination, I will endeavor only to show how a particular perspective on the event may be the best starting point in understanding it.

Though a few authors have written about the assassination from a broader perspective, many "pet theories" have been offered which blame the assassination singly on the Mafia, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), Cuban exiles, the Dallas police, or Texas oil interests. There is certainly evidence to support each of these hypotheses but, by the argumentative nature of the proponents, I am reminded of the story of the "learned men" who, though blind, were asked to examine an elephant. One, feeling the elephant’s leg, said that an elephant is best likened to a tree. Another, examining the tail, argued that an elephant is not at all like a tree, but rather like a rope. The sage holding the elephant’s trunk exclaimed that an elephant is very much akin to a snake, as if to settle the matter.

When trying to describe the true nature of the conspiracy against President Kennedy, the question that we, also being somewhat blind in the matter, might most profitably ask ourselves is this: what kind of elephant is part Mafia, part CIA, part Cuban exile, part Dallas police, and part Texas oil? This metaphorical elephant represents the slain president’s political rivals, with whom the Kennedy administration was in a life-and-death power struggle. This essay will examine the elephant’s sources of power, its conflicts of interest with the Kennedy administration, and the administration’s specific efforts to destroy it.

Not included herein will be a chronology of events, a discussion of the untimely deaths of many witnesses in the case, a complete study of the facts discrediting the "lone assassin" theory, or a thorough explanation of how the true nature of the assassination was covered up. For such, other works suffice. The significance of the illegal drug trade to the assassination will be shown in the following respects:

          1. One of the more significant common interests of the key players in the assassination conspiracy was drug smuggling;

          2. The President and Attorney General were not only standing in the way of the expansion of this smuggling enterprise into new territory, but were also prosecuting many of the ring leaders;

          3. The assassination conspiracy had as one of its major objectives the protection and growth of this enterprise.

This is not to say that drug smuggling was the full extent of the conspiracy, but it may very well have been the essence of it; recognizing this aspect of the conspiracy is perhaps the best place to begin. The connection to this activity of all the parties known to have had a hand in the president’s death provides a motive for the murder, as well as a common ground and motive for cooperation among these parties; to this end, any one of the many illegal activities engaged in by all these groups might suffice as a good starting point for analysis. For instance, arms smuggling also is a commonality among many of the conspirators, but the author chooses drug smuggling in particular because of its greater prevalence among the key figures in the conspiracy as well as its relevance to the present day and its effect on administrations since Kennedy’s.

All of the above-mentioned interest groups, namely the Mafia, CIA, Cuban exiles, Dallas law enforcement, and Texas oil interests, conspired to assassinate John F. Kennedy. More specifically, the conspirators probably included the following parties:

          o From the mob: bosses Sam Giancana, Carlos Marcello, and Santos Trafficante of Chicago, New Orleans, and Miami respectively; Teamsters President Jimmy Hoffa; lesser figures Richard Cain and Charles Harrelson.

          o Military, CIA and ex-CIA officers: Most notably, CIA officers E. Howard Hunt, David Atlee Phillips, Charles Cabell, and William Harvey. General Edward G. Lansdale.

          o CIA "assets" and contract employees: Jack Ruby, Dave Ferrie, Clay Shaw, Frank Sturgis, Jim Hicks, Gordon Novel, and others.

          o Cuban exiles: Felix Rodriguez, Eladio del Valle and Bernard Barker, among others. Possibly Orlando Bosch and the brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo Sampol.

          o Local law enforcement: Dallas County Sheriff Bill Decker and Assistant District Attorney Bill Alexander as well as several members of the Dallas police force.

          o From the Texas oil industry: Texas oil baron Clint Murchison, contractor George Brown (of Brown and Root), and others unknown. Possibly future president George H. W. Bush.

Others who knew of the true nature of the assassination either before or immediately after the fact and who, either by their silence or by conscious efforts, conspired to cover it up include:

          o President Lyndon Johnson

          o President Richard Nixon

          o President Gerald Ford

          o FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover

          o Senator Arlen Specter

 THE NATURE OF THE BEAST

The origins of the outlaw group which eliminated the Kennedys could be traced to the wartime alliance of U.S. intelligence with organized crime. In 1942, in an effort to protect New York harbors from acts of sabotage by Axis agents, naval intelligence enlisted the help of Joseph Lanza, mafia boss of the East Side docks, to mobilize dock workers. Later in 1943, seeking to expand the operation to the West Side, they contacted the boss of bosses, Charles "Lucky" Luciano, then in prison. The West Side docks were controlled at the time by the heavily Italian longshoremen's union; through "Operation Underworld," partly arranged by Luciano's associate Meyer Lansky, the Mob's union contacts were mobilized in this wartime effort (Scott 1993:145; McCoy 1991:31-32). The Office of Strategic Services (OSS) also contacted Luciano, through Lansky and Luciano's deputy August del Gracio. The OSS, which was the precursor of the CIA, wanted Luciano to use his contacts in the "old country" to pave the way for the U.S. invasion of Sicily (Marks 1979:7-8). American military officials could presumably have pursued similar cooperation with the Italian anti-Fascist underground, but fears of potential Communist advances in postwar Italy led them to favor the mafia, cutting back support to the leftist underground. The Mafia arranged enthusiastic welcomes for the allied liberators and provided guides for General Patton's troops. After the invasion, Mafia heads in western Sicily were installed in mayoral posts by the American occupation force (McCoy 1991:35). The OSS also plotted with the Mafia against the Italian Communist party. It was as a direct result of his cooperation with the intelligence services that Luciano was paroled from a U.S. prison in 1946 and deported to Sicily (Marks 1979:7).

The arrangement with the Sicilians was by no means unique; the pattern was repeated with French organized crime. The CIA used Corsican gangsters to break up labor strikes in Marseilles on at least two occasions, once in 1947 and again in 1950. That murders resulted in the first instance did not seem to deter the CIA from calling on the Mob for a second time (Scheim 1983:191). Marseilles at the time housed the world’s most productive heroin laboratories. While the OSS and the other wartime intelligence services were being replaced in 1947 by the CIA, Luciano had become a central figure in the trade of opium (and hence heroin) from Indochina via Marseilles and the French Corsicans in Saigon. A renewed flow of heroin through Marseilles accompanied the CIA's anti-Communist efforts there in 1950-51 (Scott 1993:176). The Indochina-CIA-heroin connection would continue at least into the next two decades as the U.S. took over the anti-Communist war in Vietnam from the French.

As in Operation Underworld, the Mob's union connections were again used for purposes of "national security" in 1947. Fear of Socialism as a path to Communism outweighed any concerns regarding criminal control of the unions, and the United States government again allied itself with organized crime to defend the country from foreign threats, re-establishing Meyer Lansky's syndicate in the postwar battle for control of the American unions between the Mob and the socialists. With the protection of the CIA, some mobsters gained a competitive advantage trafficking in drugs. In the far east, Charles Willoughby, MacArthur's chief of intelligence from 1941 to 1951, hired Japanese mobsters to take action against groups such as the Japanese Communist Party. Army Intelligence in Japan "used Japan's dope-dealing yakuza gangs to break up left-wing strikes and demonstrations." (Russell 1992: 126,169,178)

As America gained hegemony over the world economy, the State Department and CIA worked to protect and expand this dominance. Under the pretext of safeguarding democracy abroad, the agencies supported business-friendly right-wing dictatorships and brought down governments who threatened American business interests. By the mid-1950s the Syndicate (as the American crime network was sometimes called) had begun to play a key role in such efforts, in close partnership with the covert action staff of the CIA. Indeed, the partnership could almost be described as a "merger," with both parties cooperating in the smuggling of guns and drugs, the laundering of money, the overthrow of governments, and the rigging of elections in Latin America, East Asia, and the Near East. Oil and banking tycoon David Rockefeller served as Eisenhower’s liaison with the CIA. Richard Nixon is known to have had extensive contacts in organized crime and was said by some on Capitol Hill to have "run the CIA" as Vice President, probably meaning that he was heavily involved in the covert operations of the agency (Groden and Livingstone 1989:252). By early 1954, Chicago mob boss Sam Giancana was boasting that his "Outfit" and the CIA were "two sides of the same coin." The following Giancana quotation, an excerpt from the biography written by his brother, is revealing of the mob boss’s perspective on his relationship with the CIA if not reflective of the true nature of the relationship:

Sometimes our government can't do s--- on the up and up. Sometimes they need a little trouble somewhere or they need some bastard taken care of. . . . they can't get caught doin' s--- like that. What if people found out? But we can. Guns, a hit, muscle . . . whatever dirty work needs to be done. Right now, we're workin' on Asia, Iran, and Latin America. . . . we got this deal all sewn up. Ike [President Eisenhower], all he does is play golf . . . it's [Vice President] Nixon that's got the power. He's the one with the backing of the big money, like [Howard] Hughes and the [mafia] guys in California and the oilmen in Texas. . . . Hump [Mob ambassador Murray Humphreys] says Nixon's gonna call us if he needs a little hardball behind the scenes (Giancana 1992:215).

The CIA became increasingly involved in its mafia partners’ drug smuggling operations. Indeed, by 1960, it had become impossible to make a clear distinction between the two organizations. Many CIA operatives were also foot-soldiers for organized crime. A significant faction in the CIA had taken upon itself the responsibility of reorganizing the international drug traffic to its own advantage. Henceforth, the term "CIA" should be understood to have two possible meanings: either this faction within the CIA, or the agency as a whole. Due to the size and influence of this faction, a clear distinction between the two meanings is hard to make, but analysts in the agency’s Directorate of Intelligence would rightly be offended to be "lumped in" with their more seditious colleagues. No matter how much honest work is done at the CIA, however, the fact remains that for more than fifty years it has served as a front for what is now the most powerful drug-trafficking organization in the western hemisphere. During the time period currently under discussion, the faction referred to resided mostly in the Agency’s Directorate of Operations and consisted of unofficial "agents" and "assets" as well as career officers.

During the mid-1950s, the CIA and mafia fought a heroin turf war against the French in far-away Saigon; this fight is key to understanding the origins of U.S. military involvement in Vietnam and will be discussed shortly. Under the CIA program code-named ZRRIFLE, foreign heads of state who stood in the way of American control of the drug traffic were targeted for assassination; this program is essential to understanding the origins of the plot against President Kennedy.

The intention of this corrupt faction in the U.S. government of the 1950s was to commandeer the strategic positions in the international heroin trade then held by French interests. Part of this plan necessitated a large U.S. military presence in Southeast Asia. The French heroin labs in the CIA-Luciano network got some of their raw material from the poppy fields of Indochina. The Corsicans' connections to the Indochinese heroin trade (via the French colonial presence in Southeast Asia) and their connections to American and French intelligence gave them a competitive edge over the Sicilians, who had also trafficked in heroin before the war and resumed doing so afterward. The Corsicans used their intelligence connections as a cover for their heroin trafficking, and the French used the trade as a way to fund their war in Southeast Asia, then known as French Indochina:

The French military's Operation X . . . involved collecting opium from Indochinese mountain tribes, transporting it to Saigon, and transmitting it to the Corsican underworld. Clandestine laboratories in Saigon processed the base into morphine, and the Corsicans arranged for its shipment to Marseilles for further refinement into heroin (Blumenthal 1988:94-95).

Schemers in Washington may have felt that the French were reaping drug profits that were rightfully theirs, because the United States had been carrying the majority of the financial burden of the French Indochina war in the early 1950s and had also supplied hundreds of advisers. One such advisor was the CIA’s Colonel Edward G. Lansdale. Lansdale had been the American most responsible for the victory of Ramon Magsaysay over President Quirino in the Philippines; the CIA man had bolstered his client's popularity with the use of "psychological warfare" and counterinsurgency campaigns. Lansdale and Magsaysay had staged mock attacks and liberations on Philippine villages. The destruction was real, but the deception lay in the fact that the attacks were not initiated by the Communist guerillas but by the same faction who heroically came to the villagers’ "rescue." (Prouty 1992:35) Lansdale was named by Sam Giancana as one of the many political connections of Harry Stonehill, a Chicago-affiliated businessman in the Philippines, where Lansdale was proconsul. Stonehill later made moves to set up trade in opium (Giancana 1992:135,176-77). This is important to note because so much of Lansdale’s later career was spent in the periphery of the drug trade. On an investigative tour of Indochina in the summer of 1953, Lansdale flew to the Plain of Jars in Laos, where he learned some of the details of the French opium operations, including the fact that General Salan, the Commander in Chief of the French Expeditionary Corps, had ordered his officers to buy up the 1953 opium harvest. The opium was subsequently shipped to Saigon for sale overseas (McCoy 1991:140)

In the winter of 1953-54, the French faced defeat at the hands of the Viet Minh at Dienbienphu. As the French fought off the attack, they informed President Eisenhower that unless U.S. forces came to their aid, the war would be lost. Admiral Radford, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, recommended sending U.S. troops; Vice-President Nixon concurred. But Eisenhower declined to involve U.S. forces directly, much to the rage of many French military men. Eisenhower thought that Indochina was a lost cause and that there was not enough domestic support for a second Asian war so soon after Korea. As the president had said in a January 8th National Security Council meeting,

The key to winning this war is to get the Vietnamese to fight. There is just no sense in even talking about the United States forces replacing the French in Indochina. If we did so, the Vietnamese could be expected to transfer their hatred of the French to us. I cannot tell you how bitterly opposed I am to such a course of action. This war in Indochina would absorb our troops by divisions! (Prouty 1992:51)

Unable to get the president’s approval for direct military involvement, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles proposed that the U.S. should carry on guerilla operations against the Viet Minh in the event of French defeat. The Council decided that Allen Dulles was to develop this contingency plan. On the 29th of January, the President's Special Committee on Indochina met (in the absence of the president himself) to discuss possible aid to the desperate French. "At the end of the meeting," writes Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty, "Allen Dulles, then the director of central intelligence, suggested that an unconventional-warfare officer, Col. Edward G. Lansdale, be added to the group of American liaison officers that General Henri Navarre, the French commander, had agreed to accept in Indochina." (Prouty 1992:38-39,349) The absence of the President for this critical decision was not atypical of the administration’s Southeast Asia policy (Scott 1972).

The battle at Dienbienphu was lost by May 1954. Because the U.S. would not become directly involved, the conflict was taken to the conference table, and a peace settlement was reached that year in Geneva, creating separate administrations in northern and southern Vietnam. The north was to be Communist, led by Ho Chi Minh, and the south non-Communist, until an all-Vietnam election in 1956 could unify the country. The elections never took place; Ngo Dinh Diem, the president of South Vietnam sponsored by the U.S. and managed by Lansdale, declared that the terms of the Geneva Accords were unacceptable and that there would be no elections as therein specified.

Colonel Lansdale went to Vietnam and established the Saigon Military Mission (SMM), chiefly a CIA covert warfare office, and immediately set about destabilizing the country as a pretext for increased U.S. involvement. The SMM's damage to the meager existing order in Vietnam was incalculable. Colonel L. Fletcher Prouty, the Pentagon's chief of special operations in the early 1960s, writes,

By midsummer more men had joined the SMM, and its mission was broadened. Its members were teaching "paramilitary" tactics - today called "terrorism" - and doing all they could to promote the movement of hundreds of thousands of "Catholic" Vietnamese from the north with promises of safety, food, land, and freedom in the south and with threats that they would be massacred by the Communists of North Vietnam and China if they stayed in the north.

This movement of Catholics - or natives whom the SMM called "Catholics" - from the northern provinces of Vietnam to the south, under the provisions of the Geneva agreement, became the most important activity of the Saigon Military Mission and one of the root causes of the Vietnam War. The terrible burden these 1,100,000 destitute strangers imposed upon equally poor native residents of the south created a pressure on the country and on the Diem administration that was overwhelming. . . . It is easy to understand that within a short time these strangers became bandits, of necessity, in an attempt to obtain the basics of life. The local uprisings that sprung up wherever these poor people were dumped on the south were given the name "Communist insurgencies" and much of the worst and most pernicious part of the twenty years of warfare that followed was the direct result of this terrible activity that had been incited and carried out by CIA's terroristic Saigon Military Mission (Prouty 1992:66-67).

By mid-year, Lansdale was raising the specter of "Communist insurgency" just as he did in the Philippines. This destabilization became one of the root causes of the Vietnam War and "had more to do with the scope, severity, and duration of the American-made war in Vietnam than anything else." (Prouty 1992:71) On the advice of the U.S., Diem exacerbated the situation by the ejection of the French law enforcement authorities who had helped to keep what little peace there was, and of the Chinese merchants who were crucial to South Vietnamese trade. This resulted in a temporary absence of police power and in the collapse of the system by which rice farmers obtained goods in exchange for their crops. When economic and social chaos resulted in hunger and civil strife, U.S. intelligence was quick to cry "Communist insurgency." The geography of the "insurgency" should have made it plain that there was more to the problem than ideology or politics. It was the southern districts, where the refugees were, that were the most volatile, not the northern areas bordering on enemy territory. This is evidenced in the 1963 McNamara-Taylor report to the president, which became the administration's plan for gradual withdrawal from Vietnam. The report projected a completion of the campaign in the northern and central areas by 1964, and in the southern delta by the end of 1965 (Prouty 1992:260-64).

Why would the United States deliberately create chaos in Southeast Asia? As a pretext for greater involvement. Why become involved? The military-industrial complex's interest in Vietnam cannot be discounted. Billions of dollars in armaments were used in the Vietnam War and related military campaigns. Hundreds of bombing sorties went out every day. Bell's helicopters were used to excess and to the point of wasting both equipment and lives. Based in Texas, Bell Helicopter was likely to have had influence over Lyndon Johnson. Dow Chemical produced a defoliant called Agent Orange for the war and was associated with the powerful Rockefeller family. President Lyndon Johnson’s sponsoring company, Brown and Root, was awarded large contracts in Vietnam. In addition to military interests, the cooperation of the CIA with organized crime in the Southeast Asian drug trade and the profits that this operation eventually reaped also deserve consideration as a motivation for increased U.S. involvement in Vietnam. Indeed, during the 1950s and 1960s one major aspect of U.S. foreign policy in Southeast Asia was to take over the drug trade from the faltering French.

By the early 1950s, the CIA had solidified its contacts in Marseilles, where heroin was made from Indochinese morphine. In the mid-1950s, the CIA established a presence in Saigon, where the opium from the region’s poppy fields was refined into morphine and shipped overseas under the supervision of French intelligence. By 1960, the CIA was supporting the indigenous peoples in Laos who had supplied the opium crop to the French.

Lansdale began his investigation of France’s "Operation X" soon after he came to Saigon in June 1954, hoping to assess his opponent's strength. He quickly aroused the antipathy of the 2eme Bureau, France’s military intelligence agency; his investigation ended when a local Chinese banker who was helping him was murdered. Lansdale openly allied himself and Premier Ngo Dinh Diem with an army of 2,500 whose leader had murdered a French general in 1951 and was responsible for a 1953 bombing in downtown Saigon. In February 1955, when the French handed over the Vietnamese army to the Americans, Lansdale also used Saigon Military Mission funds to buy out the religious sects under French control and placed the sectarian armies under the command of Diem. The Binh Xuyen, a Vietnamese organized crime syndicate, controlled Saigon. By the time fighting broke out between Diem's forces and the organized- crime-supported United Front in March 1955, the U.S. and France had already chosen opposing sides. In fact, the two sides were "pawns in a power struggle between the French 2eme Bureau and the American CIA." Diem's forces prevailed after a month of skirmishes and six days of heavy and destructive fighting; the Binh Xuyen were pushed back into the swamp areas from which they had come. In retaliation, some of the French started a terrorist bombing campaign against Americans in Saigon. This ended when Lansdale determined "who the ringleaders were (many of them were intelligence officers) [and] grenades started going off in front of their houses in the evenings." (McCoy 1972:119-25)

Working their way further up the supply chain, U.S. forces moved into Laos. Opium was the main cash crop of the Hmong (or "Meo") tribesmen in northern Laos. The Hmong had long been fighting the Communist forces in that area, the Pathet Lao, and had sold their opium crops with the aid of the French. In 1960, the Hmong gained the support of the CIA, which facilitated the sale of their opium by cultivating a relationship with the local heroin traffickers and their associates in local government. The Agency called upon one Vang Pao to lead the CIA-trained Hmong as their General. The Agency built landing strips in outlying areas for the delivery of supplies by its airline Air America, and allowed the Corsican traffickers to use the strips for the pickup of the Hmong opium (McCoy 1972:277).

In 1959, the CIA’s campaign to claim a major strategic position in the world’s drug traffic was progressing in Southeast Asia, despite Eisenhower’s refusal to send in combat troops. But that year, American interests lost control of Cuba, an island nation only 90 miles from Florida which was also an important transit point for narcotics. It is well-established that beginning some time around 1959, the CIA contracted with organized crime to assassinate particular foreign heads of state. What is not generally recognized is that, not at all coincidentally, those foreign heads of state were often in countries key to the CIA-Mafia drug traffic. Prime targets were Cuba’s Fidel Castro, who survived numerous attempts on his life, and the Dominican Republic’s Rafael Trujillo, killed in 1961.

In the late 1950s, the Havana underworld was controlled by Florida mob boss Santos Trafficante. Among the many vices run by Trafficante was the cocaine trade, which used Cuba as a transit point for Peruvian cocaine destined for the U.S. (U.S. Treasury 1961). Sam Giancana was in on the action too. According to Giancana, the CIA (or at least a faction therein) took ten percent of the proceeds from the Havana drug pipeline in return for ignoring the traffic (Giancana 1992:259). Before Castro's 1959 overthrow of the Batista regime, Havana had been the single greatest source of revenue for organized crime in the western hemisphere. The Havana casinos, drug dealers, and abortion clinics brought the mob hundreds of millions of dollars every year. But when Castro came to power, he closed the casinos and imprisoned Trafficante. The common account of the origin of the CIA-mafia assassination plots against Castro is that CIA representative (and Howard Hughes aide) Robert Maheu contacted John Roselli, the Las Vegas representative of the Chicago Mob. Roselli introduced Maheu to Chicago boss Sam Giancana, and then on Giancana's behalf Roselli contacted Trafficante. Trafficante and Carlos Marcello of the New Orleans mob both had extensive Cuban connections and became involved in the CIA assassination plot, part of a larger program known as ZRRIFLE. Trafficante and Marcello supplied the CIA with Cuban hit men to take Castro out in a military-style ambush. When it became apparent that subtler methods were needed, poison pills and other, more bizarre schemes were attempted; they never succeeded.

After Castro took over Cuba and closed the island to mafia activity, the Dominican Republic became a staging point for a CIA-sponsored invasion of Cuba, as well as a new transit point for Trafficante’s narcotics traffic. Henrik Krüger writes: "Furthermore, the CIA, according to agents of the BNDD [Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs], helped organize the drug route by providing IDs and speed boats to former Batista officers in the Dominican Republic in charge of narcotics shipments to Florida." (Krüger 1980:145) President Rafael Trujillo may have done something to get in the way of the drug traffic, for the CIA-mafia alliance marked him for death and he was assassinated in May 1961, just after the CIA's failed invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs.

Teamsters president Jimmy Hoffa and Santos Trafficante cooperated in smuggling drugs into the United States, with Teamsters Local 320 in Miami being one of the fronts for the business (Krüger 1980:143). Chicago mobster David Yaras, who answered to Sam Giancana, had assisted Hoffa in organizing Local 320, where Trafficante kept an office (Scott 1993:175). Jack Ruby of Dallas reported to Yaras and was another of Giancana’s men, involved in drug trafficking as well as gambling, arms smuggling, and operating a strip club. The CIA was aware of Ruby’s drug smuggling activities, according to former anti-Castro operative Robert Morrow, who worked under the CIA’s Tracy Barnes. Barnes was one of the Bay of Pigs planners, perhaps the most high-ranking one to have survived the Kennedy post-invasion firings. According to Morrow, Barnes said that one of Ruby’s arms smuggling partners was also one of the Agency’s ZRRIFLE assassins and that Ruby was taking advantage of that fact, counting on the CIA to remain silent on the smuggling for fear of exposing the assassination program (Morrow 1992). As one of the CIA-connected men who had supplied Castro with arms before he came to power and subsequently fell from favor with the U.S., Ruby is thought to have negotiated Trafficante’s release from Castro’s prison (Giancana 1992:279; Marrs 1989:394-98).

Though, after the assassination, the government would later try to portray Jack Ruby as a small-time hustler, Ruby was an influential man in Dallas, almost an unofficial mayor. Ruby came from Chicago to Dallas in 1947 at about the same time the Chicago mob was establishing itself in Dallas (Scott 1993:160) Though Jack Ruby’s associate Joseph Civello was eventually identified by the House of Representatives as the "boss" of the Dallas mob from 1956 onward (Scott 1993:129), Ruby himself was reputed to be in control of many of the local vices. He knew everyone in a position of influence, and was particularly careful to cultivate good relationships with the police force, sheriff’s department, and district attorney’s office. Ruby is estimated to have been on speaking terms with 700 of the 1200 officers on the Dallas police force. Hundreds of officers came to Ruby’s night club; some came for conversation, some to get the free food and drinks he offered all officers. Ruby alone could give consent to a new gambling operation in the city. As a police narcotics informant, he was also "in a position to say which [drug] deals will go through and not be arrested. Those deals he doesn't approve of, he tells the police, and there's an arrest. Three or four Dallas policemen have told us Ruby was their informant on narcotics matters." (Tarby 1996) Ruby supplied prostitutes to Dallas businessmen and visiting VIPs as well as to some police officers (Scott 1993:233,342).

Thanks to Ruby and many others like him, the Dallas authorities were so compromised by the vices that many of them were not in a position to refuse to cooperate when called upon to frame the innocent, intimidate witnesses, falsify reports, and destroy evidence in the Kennedy murder. Sheriff Bill Decker was described by peers as "an old-time bootlegger" and a "payoff man" for the local rackets (Scott 1993:161). Decker ordered many of his subordinates to take "no part whatsoever" in the security of the presidential motorcade, and eventually fired one deputy for showing too much interest in the case (Craig). In 1937 Decker had testified as a character witness for Joseph Civello, who was seeking a pardon on a narcotics conviction (Scheim 1983:184).

But there were honest men among the Dallas authorities; the chief homicide detective, Will Fritz, had received numerous phone calls after the arrest of Lee Harvey Oswald urging him to terminate his investigation into the murder of President Kennedy because, "You have your man." Despite these promptings, Fritz continued until late the next day, when he got a personal telephone call from new president Lyndon Johnson, who "ordered the investigation stopped," to the officer’s dismay (Groden and Livingstone 1989:245). Dr. Charles Crenshaw, who was treating the dying Oswald, also received a personal telephone call from Johnson, who pressed the doctor for a deathbed confession from Oswald. Furthermore, it was Johnson who derailed the Texas investigations into the President's murder by forming a presidential commission to handle the matter.

Ruby had been the subject of investigation by federal narcotics agents as early as 1947, for suspected involvement in a scheme to fly opium over the border from Mexico (Scheim 1983:117). It may have been as a result of this investigation that Ruby first became a federal informant. In 1947, an FBI staff assistant in Congressman Richard Nixon’s office wrote a memo asking Ruby to be excused from testifying before congress on the grounds that Ruby was "performing information functions" for the Congressman’s staff (Marrs 1989:269). By 1956, another FBI informant reported that Ruby was "Mister Big" in "a large narcotics setup operating between Mexico, Texas, and the East" (Scheim 1983:117-118). One infers from the informant’s report that Ruby had some sort of recruiting film for the operation which demonstrated the operation’s efficiency and immunity from border guards and narcotics agents. This immunity is likely to have derived from Ruby’s status as an FBI informant himself. This status is sometimes accorded to criminals of great influence in order to protect them; when thus conferred, it often amounts to a federally-issued "never-go-to-jail-unless-you-murder-someone-on-camera" card. From such a position, Ruby was able to give his FBI handlers valuable tips while eliminating his own criminal competition by informing on them.

Among the wealthy Texans that Sam Giancana counted as business associates were oil magnates Syd Richardson, Clint Murchison, and H.L. Hunt, some of whom had been introduced to Giancana by oil-company geologist and Dallas-area resident George DeMohrenschildt, one of Lee Harvey Oswald’s CIA handlers (Giancana 1992:322). The Murchison family fortune was based partly on loans from the corrupt Teamsters Pension Fund (Scott 1993:218). Murchison's other political and business connections included mob boss Carlos Marcello and Bobby Baker, whose dealings with organized crime on Lyndon Johnson's behalf nearly ruined LBJ's political career when they came to light in 1963. Murchison was a common friend of both FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and New Orleans crime boss Carlos Marcello (North 1991:56). In the early 1960s, Sam Giancana confided in his younger brother that a cocaine smuggling ring which he ran with Marcello and Trafficante also had the CIA and wealthy Texas oilmen as partners; the group used offshore oil rigs to bypass U.S. Customs inspection (Giancana 1992:350). This operation apparently survived until the later 1970s, even after Giancana’s death. In New Orleans in the summer of 1977, CIA and military personnel were discovered using offshore oil rigs to smuggle drugs into the U.S. in cooperation with the Marcello crime family (Ruppert 2000). Some of the rigs were owned by George H. W. Bush’s own Zapata Offshore company (Bush was CIA director until 1977) and were serviced by Brown and Root, the Houston-based contracting company which sponsored Lyndon Johnson’s political career. Brown and Root is currently owned by Halliburton, for which current Vice President Dick Cheney was CEO. Bush was involved in CIA Cuban operations in the early 1960s, according to an FBI memo of the time and was also acquainted with DeMohrenschildt. At the time of DeMohrenschildt’s 1977 death, his address book contained George Bush’s name with the words "Zapata Petroleum Midland" (which places the entry at a pre-1959 date), and George’s college nickname, "Poppy" (Tarpley and Chaitkin 1992).

In 1948, at around the same time that Jack Ruby was settling in and cultivating the Dallas rackets for the Chicago and New Orleans crime organizations, George Bush graduated from Yale University, where he had enjoyed membership in the secret "Skull and Bones" society, an organization founded in 1833 by a member of the Russell family, which owned the largest opium-trading company in the United States (Tarpley and Chaitkin 1992). Following Russell & Company and Skull and Bones throughout their long histories, one finds several family names of great significance, among them Delano (as in Franklin Delano Roosevelt), Luce (owners of the Time-Life publishing empire), and Dulles (the brothers who led the Eisenhower administration’s foreign policy). The number of influential families and figures to emerge from the "old China trade" is a fascinating subject in itself and too large a subject to be treated here. It was from this social environment that George H. W. Bush came to Odessa, Texas. At this time, the so-called Eastern Establishment would have been seeking to incorporate the growing southwest oil industry into their plans before the new Texas rich became a serious threat. With family money behind him, "Poppy" went into the oil business and built partnerships with Texan powerhouses like Brown and Root, possibly introducing them to the CIA-mafia network and initiating them in the mysteries of government-protected drug trafficking. He was tremendously successful, building a Texas power base which took him from the vice presidency of Zapata Petroleum to the presidency of Zapata Offshore (1959), the U.S. House of Representatives (1967), the chairmanship of the Republican National Committee (1972), the directorship of the CIA (1976), the Vice Presidency (1981), and finally the Presidency (1989).

According to Joseph McBride of The Nation, "a source with close connections to the intelligence community confirms that Bush started working for the [Central Intelligence A]gency in 1960 or 1961, using his oil business as a cover for clandestine activities." The earliest operations of Zapata Offshore coincided in time with the victory of Fidel Castro and coincided in geography with the three centers of power in the assassination conspiracy: Texas, Louisiana, and Florida:

1959 was the year that Bush started operating out of his Zapata Offshore headquarters in Houston; it was also the year that Fidel Castro seized power in Cuba. Officially, as we have seen, George was now a businessman whose work took him at times to Louisiana, where Zapata had offshore drilling operations. George must have been a frequent visitor to New Orleans. . . . And then, there were Zapata Offshore drilling operations in the Florida Strait (Tarpley and Chaitkin 1992).

Bush is thought to have had a role in the Bay of Pigs invasion, as he was involved with the CIA and Cuban exile politics even in this early time. Many of the names associated with the invasion represent the things dearest to Bush. Zapata, the code name for the invasion, was the name of the Cuban peninsula where the invasion was originally planned and coincidentally the name of Bush’s oil company. One of the ships used in the invasion was named "Houston," which was Bush’s new home, and another was the "Barbara J." Barbara was, of course, his wife but one would have to explain the "J" to suppose that she was the ship’s namesake. More interesting than Bush’s possible involvement in the Bay of Pigs invasion are his activities around the time of the assassination. A 1963 FBI memo informs us that "George Bush of the Central Intelligence Agency" was briefed by the FBI on the reaction of Cuban exiles to the assassination of President Kennedy..

According to journalist Daniel Hopsicker, records have recently come to light showing that Felix Rodriguez, a CIA cocaine smuggler during the Iran-Contra years and an associate of George Bush, was a member of the CIA's Operation 40 Cuban death squad in the 1960s and was recruited into the CIA in 1961 by a man named Bush, presumably George. Rodriguez was one of Fulgencio Batista’s policemen in pre-Castro Cuba, participated in the Bay of Pigs invasion, and eventually went to work at the CIA’s station in Miami, which was code-named JMWAVE. Rodriguez fits Sam Giancana’s vague description of one of the Kennedy gunmen as a "crooked former Batista cop." Both Bush and Rodriguez, and Richard Nixon are among the few men of their respective generations who deny being able to recall the exact circumstances in which they learned of the President’s murder (Hopsicker 167-68, Prouty 1992:119-120).

John F. Kennedy’s vice president and successor was also closely linked to the narcotics smuggling interests. Lyndon Johnson's political career was built on fraud and graft and thrived on its continuation. The U.S. Senate seat that he took in the 1948 election was stolen (Scheim 1983:233). While serving as Senate majority leader, Johnson did favors for Carlos Marcello, the New Orleans crime boss whose territory extended into Johnson's home state of Texas. In exchange for shooting down anti-racketeering bills and steering congressional investigations clear of Texas, Johnson got hundreds of thousands of dollars from Marcello in the form of campaign contributions (Scott 1993). Johnson and FBI Director Hoover may have used evidence of Kennedy’s extramarital sexual escapades to blackmail JFK into taking Johnson as his running mate (Summers 1993:271-73). Acting as the illegal drug industry’s most highly-placed "mole" in the White House, LBJ fed information to the President’s enemies, including telling CIA Deputy Director Charles Cabell of JFK’s plans to eviscerate the CIA (Morrow 1976:22). Cabell was close to Ed Lansdale and his brother, Earle Cabell, also happened to be the mayor of Dallas.

Using John Newman’s JFK and Vietnam as a basis for commentary, Professor Peter Dale Scott discusses in Deep Politics and the Death of JFK one of Johnson’s early diplomacy efforts as vice president, which was to encourage Ngo Dinh Diem to request an increased U.S. troop presence in Vietnam:

. . . Johnson had been, since 1961, the ally of the Joint Chiefs (and in particular Air Force General Curtis LeMay) in their unrelenting efforts, against Kennedy’s repeated refusals, to introduce U.S. combat troops into Asia. In May 1961 . . . LBJ had briefly been a "linchpin" in an attempted end-run around Kennedy’s reluctance. On May 10 the Joint Chiefs sent a recommendation to Defense Secretary Robert McNamara that [Diem] be "encouraged to request" U.S. combat troops. . . . Johnson acted on the unapproved recommendation . . .and obtained from Diem the response that he "did want an increase in U.S. training personnel." Moments later, Diem had accepted the compromise . . . that U.S. combat troops be introduced "for direct training purposes." . . . [This] compromise "parallels precisely" a formula inserted into policy documents two weeks earlier in Washington by General Lansdale, saying that 16,000 U.S. combat troops were required in Vietnam as trainers (Scott 1993:30-31).

Newman himself had this to say:

Lansdale was not a combat troops man, yet the very first piece of paper ever in the history of the Vietnam War where an American officer recommends a U.S. troop commitment to Vietnam, Lansdale was the one who authors it. It's right in that critical time frame right after the failure at the Bay of Pigs; right before the crucial decision Kennedy has to make on going into Laos. His Vietnam Task Force paper is coming in through the door. The night, the very night that the Joint Chiefs figure out that Kennedy is going to say no on Laos, Lansdale, late at night in the Pentagon, slips in this combat troop proposal in the Vietnam Task Force report.

Thus we have the loosely-connected association of General Edward Lansdale, his Air Force superior Curtis LeMay, Lyndon Johnson, and others unknown acting in concert to pressure the new president to send combat troops into Vietnam, a commitment that President Eisenhower had adamantly refused to make.

Dave Ferrie was a CIA pilot, a close associate of Carlos Marcello, and much more. Ferrie is said to have flown Marcello back into the United States after his deportation by Robert Kennedy. As well as making clandestine flights into Cuba, Ferrie also flew drugs and guns out of Central America for Marcello (Giancana 1992:331). As an instructor in the Civil Air Patrol, Ferrie recruited Lee Harvey Oswald and Barry Seal into his clandestine world. Much has been written about all three men. Oswald, of course, is best known as the fall guy in the Kennedy assassination. Seal was Ferrie’s successor as manager of the CIA’s Louisiana air fleet after Ferrie’s 1967 murder during the prosecution of Clay Shaw, a New Orleans businessman who ran the International Trade Mart, where Seal is known to have had an office in 1969 (Hopsicker 2001). Seal was also the CIA’s most flamboyant drug trafficker until his own death in Baton Rouge in 1986 (Reed and Cummings 1993).

Also working closely with Ferrie was Guy Banister, a former FBI agent who had resigned the Bureau as Special Agent in Charge of the Chicago office in 1955 and come to New Orleans. In the early 1960s it was not uncommon for Banister’s office to contain crates of ammunition or Cuban paramilitary men (Hinckle and Turner 1992:229-236).

Dave Ferrie worked closely with Clay Shaw. One of Seal’s CIA handlers, Dave Dixon, was Shaw’s close friend (Hopsicker 2001). Shaw remains the only man ever indicted in connection with the Kennedy assassination. Shaw was also on the board of Permindex and Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC), two CIA front companies involved in illegal arms transfers. Permindex and CMC had many officers in common. The Centro was originally formed in Montreal before moving to Rome in 1961. One of the CMC’s major stockholders was Major L. M. Bloomfield, formerly of the American OSS, who also was the Chairman of Permindex’s Montreal branch (Garrison 1988:100-101). Montreal is a significant city for many reasons, one of the lesser-known reasons being its role as a major North American hub for narcotics trafficking during this period. The Montreal syndicate was run by French Corsicans and was of great significance to the American traffic, described as "dominant" by one expert (Chambliss 1978). Major Bloomfield was also the attorney for the Bronfman family, which owned the Seagrams liquor company. The Canadian Bronfmans had made enormous amounts of money selling alcohol to America during the prohibition era. Criminologist William Chambliss has pointed out that the bootleggers of the 1920s were in many cases among the major heroin wholesalers of the decades to follow (Chambliss 1978). One Jules Kimble told New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison that he had accompanied Dave Ferrie and Clay Shaw to Montreal some time around 1962 (Garrison 1988:136-138).

Jack Ruby also worked with Ferrie and Shaw to buy guns for the Cuban exile underground on behalf of the CIA (Morrow 1992). The OAS, a French terrorist group of the time, also figures heavily in this milieu. The OAS, or Secret Army Organization, was financed in large part by drug money and was determined to assassinate French President Charles de Gaulle (Krüger 1980). There is evidence to suggest that one or more OAS terrorists were on hand at the assassination of President Kennedy (Twyman 1997:411). Permindex funded the OAS; de Gaulle in 1962 publicly accused Permindex of doing so (Marrs 1989:499; Garrison 1988:88-89). DA Jim Garrison discovered that Guy Banister had sent an associate to Paris with a suitcase containing between $100,000 and $200,000 in cash for the OAS (Marrs 1989:499). Ruby’s arms smuggling partner, Thomas Eli Davis, worked with the OAS (Twyman 1997:421-22). The Schlumberger Corporation, which is Brown and Root’s (that is to say, Halliburton’s - Brown and Root is now owned by Halliburton ) biggest competitor in the oil well services business even today, also supported the OAS (Garrison 1988:53); its president, Jean de Menil, was also on Permindex’s board of directors (DiEugenio 1993:213). Schlumberger was begun by a Houston family into which de Menil married; the de Menils were contributors to the arts and respected members of Houston society. George DeMohrenschildt counted de Menil as a close friend. The CIA also supported the OAS in the early 1960s and supplied Schlumberger with anti-personnel ammunition (Garrison 1988:53). After the apparent demise of the OAS, Dave Ferrie and several anti-Castro Cubans in the employ of Guy Banister removed explosives from a Schlumberger bunker at Houma, Louisiana for use in anti-Castro operations. Several crates of the munitions were seen at his office by a visiting friend (Hinckle and Turner 1992:230).

Surveying the entire sordid mess from his Washington, DC office was J. Edgar Hoover. Hoover was a careful man who had not openly defied any President or Attorney General (his nominal superiors) but who doggedly pursued his own agenda, namely the protection and accumulation of his own power. No one has claimed to have been close to him, and none of those closest to him claim to have understood him.

Hoover denied the existence of a national crime syndicate until the 1960s, when bureaucratic pressures from the White House became too great to withstand. How do we explain the reluctance of the nation's top law enforcement officer to prosecute organized crime? One possible reason is that Hoover practiced homosexuality and the mafia knew it and threatened to expose him. A 1993 biography would seem to establish as fact Hoover's deviant sexual behavior and presents evidence that Hoover protected mob boss Meyer Lansky because Lansky had photos of Hoover in compromising sexual behavior (Summers 1993:243-45). Such photographs are reported by more than one source to have been in the possession of CIA counterintelligence chief James Angleton (Hopsicker 2001:119; Summers 1993:244-45). It is believed that Hoover's second-in-command and constant companion Clyde Tolson was also his lover; this was something of an "open secret" in Washington (Summers 1993). A man of otherwise good character who was thus vulnerable to blackmail would find it difficult, if not impossible, to prosecute the crimes of those who held his weakness over his head at all times like Damocles' sword. For a man already inclined toward graft, such blackmail was the most common form of insurance against a sudden attack of conscience. But there are still those who insist that Hoover was not homosexual. Cartha DeLoach, one of Hoover's top assistants, ridiculed the research of Hoover biographer Anthony Summers on this subject as "gossip" and attacked the credibility of his sources. But could one truly expect "respectable" citizens to be firsthand witnesses to such behavior and thus to be available as sources? Contrary to the impression given by DeLoach in his book Hoover’s FBI, these allegations have been around for decades. Even in the 1940s, FBI agents were squelching rumors of Hoover’s alleged homosexuality (Theoharis 1995:346-356).

Another explanation, one based on more common knowledge, is Hoover's affiliation with right-wing individuals who were connected to organized crime. He was a very close friend of Del Webb, the owner of the New York Yankees baseball team whose finances had been entangled with those of organized crime figures the likes of Meyer Lansky and Bugsy Siegel, and of right-wing oil baron Clint Murchison, whose Murchison Oil Lease Company was found by the U.S. Senate to be 20 percent owned by the Genovese crime family of New York (Summers 1993:231-33). Murchison arranged for the FBI director to lend his name to the famous anti-Communist book Masters of Deceit, which he arranged to be published through his own company (Scott 1993:207). Hoover was sighted on several occasions meeting with mob boss Frank Costello.

Hoover's retirement in January of 1965 was eventually waived by his old friend and neighbor, President Lyndon Johnson, with whom he had at least two things in common: an intense resentment of the Kennedys and little or no chance of staying in office if JFK had been reelected. The two men allegedly shared complicity in the assassination, having had foreknowledge of the shooting in Dallas. Madeleine Brown, Johnson’s mistress, recalled the following from a party on the evening before the assassination, hosted by Clint Murchison and attended by J. Edgar Hoover, Clyde Tolson, Richard Nixon, John McCloy, George Brown (of Brown and Root) and H.L. Hunt:

The group . . . went behind closed doors. A short time later Lyndon, anxious and red-faced, re-appeared. I knew how secretly Lyndon operated. Therefore I said nothing . . . not even that I was happy to see him. Squeezing my hand so hard, it felt crushed from the pressure, he spoke with a grating whisper, a quiet growl, into my ear, not a love message, but one I'll always remember: "After tomorrow those g—d--- Kennedys will never embarrass me again - that's no threat - that's a promise." (Brown 1997)

There had been credible death threats against the Kennedys which had come to the attention of the FBI for several months prior to the assassination. Designed as the FBI was, only Hoover, and possibly some of his men at the top, could have seen the "big picture" which was being formed from bits of information passed on by the various field offices. It appears that Hoover sat on the information rather than passing it on to the Secret Service, and sat rather aloof from the developing conspiracy until it came to its climax in Dallas (North 1991).

Hoover’s actions after the assassination were not consistent with his office. Not only did he mislead and withhold information from the presidential commission appointed to investigate the event, he publicly demanded that the Warren Commission agree with his declaration that Lee Harvey Oswald bore sole responsibility for the murder (North 1991:14). As soon as the commission’s seven members had been chosen, Hoover "ordered his aides to compile secret dossiers on each member . . . so he would have adequate dirt in his files, if a need arose." (North 1991:448) Congressman Hale Boggs, one of the seven commissioners, complained years later that Hoover had "lied his eyes out" on several points relevant to the case and accused Hoover of using "Gestapo tactics" to intimidate him. Boggs disappeared on a plane flight in 1972. (Groden and Livingstone 1989:116; Marrs 1989:562).

Not all of the commissioners were disposed to complain about Hoover’s behavior. Former CIA director Allen Dulles was on the commission, and had no desire for an investigation that would expose the CIA’s proximity to the conspiracy. Future president Gerald Ford was Hoover’s active accomplice on the commission. According to the William Sullivan, then an Assistant Director at the FBI,

Hoover was delighted when Ford was named to the Warren Commission. The Director wrote in one of his internal memos that the Bureau could expect Ford to "look after FBI interests" and he did, keeping us fully advised of what was going on behind closed doors. He was our . . . informant on the Warren Commission (North 1991:448-49)

Ford altered the wording of a report describing the deceased president’s wounds to make a single-gunman explanation plausible (Feinsilber 1997). Ford, along with commission counsel and future U.S. Senator Arlen Specter, was among the chief authors of the so-called "magic bullet" theory, which proposed that three shots were fired and that one of the bullets caused an impossible series of wounds, later to emerge from two men’s bodies showing no signs of impact. It was an implausible theory, but it was the best that could have been done, and in those days fewer people thought to question the government. The year after the Commission released its report, Ford authored Portrait of the Assassin, which supported the Commission’s conclusions. Though the book used materials that had been ordered sealed, Ford suffered no legal consequences.

These details might be worth forgetting were it not for events in Ford’s later career. In the middle of Richard Nixon’s second term as president, Ford was appointed by Nixon to replace Vice President Spiro Agnew due to legal proceedings against Agnew. When the Watergate cover-up caught up with Nixon, he resigned and left Ford to take over the office; Ford immediately pardoned Nixon in advance of any Watergate-related charges which might be brought against the ex-president.

Fifteen months after Nixon’s resignation in August 1974, Gerald Ford chose George Bush to head the CIA. It was in these circumstances that the National Security Council, over which Ford had direct oversight, made a deliberate and secret decision to use drug profits to fund the arming of the Kurds. As part of this program, the CIA used offshore oil rigs, some of which were owned by Bush’s Zapata Offshore company, to smuggle the contraband past U.S. Customs (Ruppert 2000).

THE KENNEDYS’ WAR FOR CONTROL

The Kennedy Justice Department’s targeting of the Teamsters Union and other persons affiliated with organized crime is well-known. The Teamsters were at the time aligned with the Republican party and thus represented a source of power and revenue to the Kennedys’ opposition. The Kennedy administration’s war on organized crime had earlier roots in the Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in the Labor or Management Field, also known as the McClellan Committee. The committee was formed in 1957; Robert Kennedy was Chief Counsel and his brother John was a member. The McClellan Committee’s most notorious target was Jimmy Hoffa, president of the Teamsters Union. The committee reported that Teamsters Local 320 in Miami was a front for narcotics smuggling and identified the Marcello organization as the "key distribution point for drug shipments entering the United States" (Morrow 1993:39). The committee also put Sam Giancana in the hot seat; America watched on television as he pled the fifth on all questions and was ridiculed by Bobby Kennedy. After the 1961 inauguration, Attorney General Bobby Kennedy, appointed by his brother the president, formed a "Get Hoffa" squad in the Justice Department to take down the powerful leader of the Teamsters.

New Orleans crime boss Carlos Marcello was aligned with Hoffa, the anti-Castro Cubans, and other Republican interests, particularly anti-Communist organizations, and was summarily deported by Robert Kennedy to Guatemala in 1961. After what Marcello described as an ordeal in a remote Guatemalan jungle, Dave Ferrie flew him back to the states. Ferrie was with Marcello in court on the day of the assassination and had to make a hasty trip to Dallas, where he and Barry Seal are reputed to have flown getaway planes for the conspirators (Hopsicker 2001: 164-65).

In addition to cleaning up organized crime – at least where it was serving rival interests – the Kennedy administration angered its enemies by seeking to replace the mafia-favored Cuban exiles with others more to its liking. Even before JFK’s inauguration, he had been warned by his Cuban confidants that former Batista cronies, those allied with Marcello and other underworld figures, were now in positions of prominence in the CIA’s Cuban "government-in-exile." There was a split in the CIA over which sort of Cubans ought to be leading the exile movement. A right-wing faction in the Agency had gained Vice President Nixon’s approval in creating "Operation Forty," a Cuban hit team with the mission of eliminating supposed leftists from the exile movement. Nixon and Charles Cabell, the deputy director of the CIA, created the squad in October 1960 with Mario Kohly, an exile financier and the CIA-mafia alliance’s Cuban President-designate. Operation Forty, presumably named after the National Security Council committee (the "Forty Committee") responsible for the approval of covert operations, was to execute the leftist leaders of the Cuban Revolutionary Council – the Cubans favored by the new administration – in connection with the Cuban invasion (Morrow 1993:26). A half dozen of these leaders were indeed put under house arrest by the CIA during the Agency-sponsored invasion of Cuba at the Bay of Pigs the following spring and would likely have been left as martyrs dead on the beach if the invasion had succeeded and put Kohly in power.

Although his reappointment of CIA Director Allen Dulles and FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover were Kennedy’s first official acts as President, circumstances quickly changed to show that these two powerful men would not remain in those positions. After the failed Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961, President Kennedy was determined to reorganize the intelligence community in a way that would neutralize his opposition in the CIA. Kennedy fired the top leadership responsible for the invasion, including Director Allen Dulles, his deputy Charles Cabell, and Dick Bissell, the deputy director in charge of the CIA’s covert action wing. Enraged with the Agency's apparent pursuit of an independent agenda, the President threatened to "smash the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds." On June 28, 1961 Kennedy signed National Security Action Memoranda (NSAMs) 55,56, and 57, which placed the responsibility for covert operations – traditionally the CIA’s – in the hands of the Defense Department and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. These memos sent shock waves through the defense establishment, but they were only the beginning. The Kennedy Administration created the Defense Intelligence Agency in October 1961. By year's end, Bobby Kennedy had become the cabinet officer in charge of Cuban operations. If his brother had had a second term as president, Bobby would likely have been made head of the CIA. In a series of meetings, memos, and telephone calls, he hounded the "Special Group" of Cuban operations officers to do more to undermine Fidel Castro in a new NSC operation dubbed "MONGOOSE." When RFK discovered the CIA/mafia joint effort to assassinate Fidel Castro, he was outraged and "turned it off." (David and David 1986:228) The Kennedys were determined to overthrow Castro, but on their own terms and in their own way and with people of their own choosing. Warren Hinckle and William Turner, authors of Deadly Secrets, described the Kennedys’ anti-Castro efforts this way:

They would pick their own people, Kennedy people, and the second act of the Cuban drama would be directed from the White House, not Langley, not Miami. This was how the Kennedys saw it; but in their patrician manner, they didn’t tell it that way. They continued to wave before all the exiles the flag of a free Cuba while simultaneously cutting away many exile groups, and conversely anointing others to participate in the secret agenda (Hinckle and Turner 1992:170).

If Cuba were to be made free, the Kennedys vowed, it would not be allowed to return to its former status as a cash cow for their rivals. Despite their aggressiveness, however, the Rogue Elephant had its revenge. President Kennedy made the serious mistake of making Ed Lansdale the administration’s right-hand man in Cuban operations, in charge of Operation MONGOOSE.

Lansdale had been one of those who had challenged Allen Dulles’ claim that the Bay of Pigs invasion would succeed without direct U.S. military support. He did not believe that a popular uprising would follow, as Dulles claimed (Wyden 1979:71-73). This opposition, as well as Lansdale’s well-known service in Vietnam and the Philippines, may have contributed to Lansdale’s merit in Kennedy’s eyes and vouched for his fitness as a key figure in a new Cuba campaign. But, as we have seen, Lansdale may have been serving in Vietnam the very domestic interests the Kennedys were combating. And, as we shall see later, Lansdale’s position in MONGOOSE afforded him access to information and personnel which he may have used to organize the 1963 assassination and cover-up.

At its heart, MONGOOSE was a series of air and sea raids against Cuba aboard small, non-military planes and watercraft. It was absolutely enormous, and was all coordinated by a secret CIA station at the University of Miami, code-named JMWAVE. If all the boats had belonged to another country, it has been said, it would have been one of the largest fleets in the western hemisphere.

Since the raids on Cuba were in violation of the neutrality act, MONGOOSE was illegal on its face. In order to put a cloak of secrecy around the project, numerous other laws were broken. The south Florida business world was turned upside down by the arrival of hundreds of CIA front companies for which phony incorporation papers were filed.

Income tax returns gave bogus sources of income. FAA regulations were violated by the filing of spurious flight plans and the taping over of registration numbers. The transportation of explosives on Florida highways transgressed state law. Possession of illegal explosives and war materiel contravened the Munitions Act, and acquisition of automatic weapons defied the Firearms Act. Every time a boat left for Cuba the Neutrality Act was broken; every time it returned Customs and Immigrations laws were skirted (Hinckle and Turner 1992:129-30).

The CIA made arrangements with law enforcement at all levels – from the Dade County Sheriff’s Office to the FBI and Coast Guard – to look the other way and to release any of its people who got themselves into trouble. Pilots working for CIA fronts would be fed information from Agency contacts in the military on how to time their flights to pass through temporary holes in U.S. radar systems (Hinckle and Turner 1992:129-30). Of course, a transnational undertaking that is already illegal in nature and has neutralized all possible threats from law enforcement will create rampant drug smuggling. This has been proven to be the case not only with respect to Cuba but with every similar project since then. Where there is a protected smuggling pipeline, there is great wealth; and where there is wealth of that enormity, there is great power. And when that power is threatened, it will do anything to preserve itself.

After the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the Kennedys began what seemed to be a complete dismantling of the Cuba project. The exile training camps were shut down and where paramilitary activity persisted, the camps were raided by federal authorities. Counterfeiters involved in a CIA-sponsored program to flood Cuba with bogus currency were apprehended by U.S. Treasury agents. MONGOOSE was shut down; this meant that many of the most active exile Cubans were left out in the cold, and perhaps most traumatic of all to the administration’s deadliest enemies, there could be no more MONGOOSE-protected drug flights. In reality, the administration had not given up on ridding Cuba of Castro but was merely moving its anti-Castro operations overseas and purging certain exile elements. This purge was aimed chiefly at removing the administration’s enemies from the Cuba project and creating an exile Army with which the administration could cooperate both during the anti-Castro campaign and after its anticipated success. The exile factions excluded from the administration’s new Cuba operations included many who were angry with Kennedy’s performance during the Bay of Pigs and Cuban Missile crises and those who were allied with the Gulf States crime syndicates – the syndicates hoping to re-establish their criminal power bases in a Castro-free Cuba. As a result of the purge, these exile factions could only have become more dependent on mob patronage and even more anti-Kennedy.

At the height of the missile crisis, as the American and Soviet navies faced off in the Caribbean, CIA officer William Harvey was dispatching commando teams into Cuba, in an attempt to precipitate a full-scale invasion into Cuba. This move enraged the Attorney General and got Harvey dismissed from the Cuba project. Harvey had designed many aspects of the CIA's ZRRIFLE assassination program, was in charge of Task Force W, the CIA’s Cuban section, and answered to Ed Lansdale. Bobby Kennedy sent him to Rome, where he embarrassed the diplomatic corps by his public drunkenness and by engaging in diatribes against the Kennedys. However, Harvey continued to be a key player in the Agency’s ZRRIFLE program, for which he managed and recruited assassins. He was in touch with underworld figures such as Johnny Roselli throughout 1963. He and Roselli had multiple visits with David Morales, the JMWAVE station’s chief of "dirty work," who later made a drunken boast of having had a hand in JFK’s assassination. That summer, Harvey also made contact with David Atlee Phillips, another CIA officer and prime suspect in the assassination (Twyman 1997:307). Phillips’ role will be described shortly. In short, Harvey was the wrong sort of person for the Kennedys to have alienated. It was around the time of the missile crisis that plans to assassinate JFK reached a new intensity. Some staff members of the House Select Committee on Assassinations rightly concluded that Harvey was likely to have played a high-level role in engineering and coordinating the assassination of the president.

By November 1963, the Kennedy Justice Department was hot on the trail of the Vice President. Johnson faced not only political ruin, but the strong possibility of going to prison if any of the matters being pursued developed into a viable case against him. Johnson had been getting enormous sums of gambling profits from Carlos Marcello through a Dallas gangster named Jack Halfen - $500,000 over a ten-year period. In return, Johnson had used his influence in the Senate to kill anti-racketeering bills, take the teeth out of the bills he couldn’t stop, and slow down investigations of organized crime (Marrs 1989:293; Twyman 1997:799) Another conduit for the Marcello money was LBJ's secretary Bobby Baker, and that sordid story was beginning to come to light in 1963. Baker was forced to resign on October 8th, and on the day of Kennedy's fateful motorcade in Dallas, Richard Nixon was quoted in the newspapers predicting that the Baker scandal would result in Johnson being dropped from the 1964 ticket. Kennedy did in fact indicate to one of his secretaries that he intended to cut Johnson loose. Johnson had long since realized that his next destination after leaving the White House would likely be prison. This, of course, was not to be. On the day after the assassination, the FBI stopped sending Robert Kennedy reports on the Baker matter (Russell 1992:523). Though the issue did not die immediately, and Baker went to jail, Johnson ultimately survived it. Nearly hysterical, he ordered subordinates to make payoffs:

[Baker] is going to ruin me. If that [deleted] talks, I'm gonna land in jail. . . . I practically raised that [deleted], and now he's gonna make me the first President of the United States to spend the last days of his life behind bars. . . . Nat can get to Bobby. . . Tell Nat to tell Bobby that I will give him a million dollars if he takes this rap. Bobby must not talk. I'll see to it that he gets a million dollar settlement (Scheim 1983:224).

The "Nat" referred to was a Mob "fixer," or bribe broker. Several years later, biographer Robert Caro would write:

For years, men came into Lyndon Johnson's office and handed him envelopes stuffed with cash. They didn't stop coming even when the office in which he sat was the office of the Vice President of the United States. Fifty thousand dollars (in hundred-dollar bills in sealed envelopes) was what one lobbyist - for one oil company - testified that he brought to Johnson's office during his term as Vice President. (Scheim 1983:248-49)

Johnson's political career was not only advanced by the assassination of President Kennedy, it was saved by it. Johnson may not have had foreknowledge of the killing, but he was at least manipulated into helping to cover it up. This manipulation would have been possible for J. Edgar Hoover, who of course was aware of all the evidence building against Johnson in the famous scandals involving Bobby Baker and Billie Sol Estes.

There was no love lost between Hoover and the Kennedys. Because of Hoover's incompatibility with the administration, President Kennedy had planned to let the FBI Director go when his mandatory retirement came up at age seventy. A battle of rhetoric was afoot between the left and right over the nature of the Communist threat to America; Hoover and the Kennedys were on opposite sides and at the forefront of this battle. President Kennedy asserted that "our peril . . . comes from without, not within." Several days later, Hoover rebutted: "The communist threat from without must not blind us to the communist threat from within." Turning Hoover's words against him, Senator Mike Mansfield suggested that the right-wing idea that the greater communist threat is from within indicated a lack of confidence in Hoover and his FBI. In the same month, Attorney General Bobby Kennedy added his opinion to the debate, saying, "If we think that the great problem in the United States now is the fact that there are 10,000 communists here, if we think that that's what's going to destroy our country, we are in very bad shape . . ." (North 1991:113-120)

When Jack Kennedy took office and appointed his brother Bobby as Attorney General, Bobby broke with a long tradition in the Justice Department by asserting the authority of his office over the FBI. Hoover, who as FBI director had enjoyed relative autonomy for decades, now had to answer to this young upstart, who was leading a crusade against a crime syndicate whose very existence up to that point Hoover had denied. Not only had Hoover refuted allegations of the existence of a national crime syndicate, he had caused the disbanding of a federal task force and hindered the work of his agents who tried to investigate it. As Attorney General, Bobby Kennedy constantly jibed at and prodded Hoover to do more. He went out of his way to point out his authority over Hoover, going as far as having a hotline and buzzer installed in Hoover’s office to summon him on a moment’s notice (North 1991:68). After being snubbed by the Director during his first weeks in office, he tried to make a point by behaving distractedly and throwing darts during their first meeting (North 1991:65-66). RFK threw a monkey-wrench into Hoover’s religiously-observed routine by visiting FBI headquarters on Saturdays to demand direct access to particular Bureau files. In the past, Hoover had been able to control what other Attorneys General had been allowed to see; Hoover began working Saturdays to keep an eye on him (North 1991:70).

Though he publicly spoke of a commitment to winning the war, John F. Kennedy's private opposition to further U.S. involvement in Vietnam was unpopular in some powerful circles. In the spring of 1963 the president told White House aide Kenneth O'Donnell,

In 1965, I'll become one of the most unpopular Presidents in history. I'll be damned everywhere as a Communist appeaser. But I don't care. If I tried to pull out completely now from Vietnam, we would have another Joe McCarthy scare on our hands, but I can do it after I'm reelected. So we had better make damned sure that I am reelected (O’Donnell and Powers 1972:16).

In a CBS interview with Walter Cronkite on September 2nd 1963, Kennedy emphasized the Vietnamese government's domestic failings and placed final responsibility for the success of the war on the Vietnamese: "In the final analysis, it's their war. They are the ones who have to win it or lose it." In the early days of that month, advisers returned from a fact-finding mission in Vietnam. Based on their information, the President endorsed a plan for the reduction of the U.S. presence in Vietnam, caused this to be written as a report, and sent Defense Secretary McNamara and General Taylor on a second "fact-finding" mission to Vietnam. McNamara and Taylor made this tour during the last days of September 1963 and returned from the country with the ready-made report in hand (Prouty 1992:263). The report's contents were the seeds of National Security Action Memorandum #263 of October 1963. In its final months, with NSAM 263, the Kennedy administration announced its plans to withdraw 1,000 military personnel from Vietnam by the end of the year and to have the bulk of the approximately 15,000 such personnel out of Vietnam by 1965. It wasn't just the military personnel that Kennedy intended to remove from the area. According to an Air Force officer who worked under General Ed Lansdale, Kennedy wanted all CIA officers and agents out of Vietnam as well (Lane 1991: 105).

This was unwelcome news for military contractors and suppliers who were counting on escalation of U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia. One example of such a supplier was Bell Helicopter of Fort Worth, Texas. In 1960, the CIA moved twenty H-19 "Huey" helicopters from a base in Udorn, Thailand (where they were being used for operations in Laos) to the Saigon area. This move resulted from a telephone call by Charles Cabell, the CIA's deputy director, to the Office of Special Operations (OSO) in the Defense Department in December 1960. Col. Fletcher Prouty, who worked in the OSO at that time, notes that this telephone call

. . . came shortly after the First National Bank of Boston had arranged for the Textron Corporation to acquire the Bell Helicopter Company. The CIA had arranged a meeting in the Pentagon in order for a vice president of the Boston bank to discuss Cold War uses of, and demand for, helicopters before it recommended the merger to the officers of Textron. It was the Bell-built "Huey" that became the most-used helicopter in Vietnam (Prouty 1992: 109).

Prouty also says that by the end of the war, some 5,000 helicopters lay destroyed in various parts of Southeast Asia, accounting for one third of all U.S. fatalities. General Moshe Dayan, the hero of Israel’s 1967 Six-Day War, noted in that year that "Helicopters may be first-class equipment, but the way they are being used in Vietnam, they are wasted." (Prouty 1992:108)

Bell took a significant share of the hundreds of billions of dollars that the U.S. poured into the Vietnam war effort; foreseeing such profits, they and others like them thus had reason to dislike the Kennedy administration's announcement of planned withdrawal from the area.

There were other factors that bred resentment of the administration among members of the military-industrial complex. The president and his Secretary of Defense had craftily awarded an immense defense contract on the basis of its foreseen effects on the 1964 presidential vote. The contract for the TFX (Tactical Fighter, Experimental) appeared sure to go to Boeing of Seattle and involved $6.5 billion, an unprecedented amount for a peacetime contract. The Source Selection Board had deliberated over the contract, and the general impression was that Boeing would be selected to build the 1,700 aircraft. Yet on November 24th, 1962, Defense Secretary McNamara announced that the contract would go to General Dynamics and Grumman. Though the administration wished the public to believe otherwise, this announcement was the result of a detailed study by McNamara's staff of the voting districts populated by the workers and dependents of Boeing and its competitors.

McNamara's rejection of the Source Selection Board's recommendation, and the administration posture that accompanied it, sent shock waves through the military-industrial machine and the finance community. In an April announcement, McNamara's deputy Roswell Gilpatric spoke about the decision and noted: "We can try to make a special effort to give work where it can be done effectively and efficiently, to depressed areas." Perhaps some listeners saw the political motivation behind the awarding of the contract (Prouty 1992:143-49).

With both the Justice Department and the Defense Department being used as political instruments, inside observers might have wondered what might come next. Would the emerging space program, led by Kennedy, be used similarly? Might traditional defense spending be cut in favor of the recently-approved Apollo space program (which admittedly had major defense implications), a more humane (and possibly more Kennedy-controlled) way to stimulate the economy?

The potential loss of military-industrial revenue resulting from withdrawal from Vietnam does not seem sufficient alone to inspire a serious plot against the President. Powerful interests might for this reason give an approving nod to such a conspiracy but would not have sufficient motive to instigate one. But Vietnam involved more than just weapons. It was also strategically important for the heroin supply. If abandoned, the area's resources would be lost. Though by 1961 the CIA had positioned itself at all points in the French heroin supply chain, it was not yet in a position to muscle them out of the business. That would require more personnel; personnel which would only be supplied in the type of conflict that men like Edward Lansdale and Lyndon Johnson had been so busy creating and promoting. If Kennedy had his way, the American inroads into the Southeast Asian drug trade would be lost before they reached fruition. Like Eisenhower, Kennedy refused to send combat troops to Vietnam. By the end of his administration, though the number of American soldiers there had grown from 1,000 to 16,000 – as a result of bureaucratic pressures outside the White House, the recommendations of Ed Lansdale and others, and the diplomatic efforts of Vice President Johnson – the president had made clear his determination to reduce the American role in the conflict. He determined in the fall of 1963 to remove 1,000 advisors. By 1962 he was cracking down on crooked CIA operatives in Southeast Asia and secured an indictment against at least one of the major players:

When President John F. Kennedy in 1962 attempted a crackdown on the most hawkish CIA elements in Indochina, he sought the prosecution of Willis Bird, who had been charged with the bribery of an aid official in Vientiane. But Bird never returned to the U.S. to stand trial (Krüger 1980:130; see also McCoy 1991:168-69).

If Kennedy survived much longer, many drug profiteers and their henchmen – including Vice President Johnson – would be facing indictments and prison terms. But the assassination of November 1963 was a turning point in American policy; we will shortly see Lyndon Johnson’s reversal of Kennedy’s policies, the escalation of the war, and the transfer of several American mobsters and "black ops" personnel from Cuba to Southeast Asia, where they will continue to develop America’s market share in the drug economy.

THE EMPIRE STRIKES BACK

Over the years, the individuals involved in the assassination and the roles they played have been revealed in various ways. Some of them are merely implicated by the testimony of others; some have privately confessed to their own involvement or are on record plotting against the president. A select few were caught on film; fewer still were photographed in Dealey Plaza, the site of the Dallas shooting, during the very hour of the assassination.

Antonio Veciana, the head of the Cuban exile organization Alpha 66, captured the attention of investigators of the House Select Committee on Assassinations (HSCA) during the late 1970s by saying that his CIA case officer, using the name "Maurice Bishop," introduced him to Lee Harvey Oswald in Dallas in October 1963. Veciana then tantalized the HSCA staff by all but identifying "Bishop" as David Atlee Phillips, a well-known CIA officer who had masterminded the propaganda aspects of the overthrow of the Arbenz government in Guatemala in 1954 and the Bay of Pigs invasion of 1961 (Fonzi 1993). During the HSCA investigation a film surfaced – and later disappeared – showing Phillips, Veciana, Lee Harvey Oswald, Dave Ferrie, and several Cubans on a training exercise in Louisiana in September 1963 (Hopsicker 2001:153-54).

Phillips was an actor as well as a propagandist and was capable of masterful deceit both in person and on a much larger scale. Phillips was without a doubt the mind behind one cover story for the assassination, namely that Oswald was an agent of Castro. Setting up an enemy government to make it appear responsible for CIA-organized assassinations was standard practice in the ZRRIFLE program as outlined by William Harvey: "Planning should include provisions for blaming Sov[iet]s or Czechs . . ." (Twyman 1997:397-404) Phillips had no doubt done so in the past and certainly continued to do so in the future. Phillips was probably behind some or all of the many "false Oswalds" appearing in Mexico City, Dallas, and other places, who were behaving ostentatiously in ways that would suggest Oswald was planning to kill the president and/or was under Communist control.

In attempting to establish Oswald’s ties to Castro as fact, Philips had the aid of the Mexican Gobernacion, or ministry of the interior, which oversaw the DFS, the Mexican equivalent of the FBI (Scott 1993:104-105). The DFS was so deeply involved in the drug traffic that in later years DEA agents would regard a DFS badge as a "license to traffic." Through the DFS, Gobernacion issued cards to major drug traffickers identifying them as agents of the government. The DFS’ chief, Miguel Nazar Haro, was a close friend of Win Scott, the CIA’s Mexico City Station Chief, and it was through this station that false reports came from Gobernacion regarding Lee Harvey Oswald’s alleged attempts to acquire visas at the Cuban and Soviet embassies just prior to the assassination. In further effort to paint the assassination as a Communist conspiracy, Phillips attempted to bribe one of Antonio Veciana’s relatives, a Cuban official in Mexico City, to say that Oswald had contacted him while there (Twyman 353).

There is fascinating evidence that at least one faction within the CIA was aware of the assassination plot and tried to foil it, whether to prevent an international incident or to save the life of the President, it is not clear. Though he feared for his safety and would not speak straightforwardly about it, CIA agent Richard Case Nagell implied over many years that a Soviet "mole" in the CIA - along with CIA officer Tracy Barnes - sent Nagell first to infiltrate the Banister-Ferrie organization in New Orleans and then to assassinate Oswald and thus stall the plot against JFK. Nagell indeed investigated the Louisiana team which was setting Oswald up, but ultimately refused to kill Oswald. Nagell's handlers could only do so much to compensate without risking exposure; thus the plot went forward. The evidence that Nagell was able to produce is compelling. His story is extremely complicated and cannot be done justice in any less than several pages, which space is not available here. The fullest account ever assembled and published is Dick Russell's The Man Who Knew Too Much.

The New Orleans chapter of the Cuban Revolutionary Council (CRC) was at the center of Oswald's New Orleans activities, during which his credentials were established as a Castro supporter. The CRC was crucial to setting up Oswald as the fall guy. The CRC's New Orleans chapter was led by the Cuban exile Sergio Arcacha-Smith and received funding from local mob boss Carlos Marcello through David Ferrie, Arcacha-Smith's partner and Marcello's legal researcher (North 1991:56). Their office was at 544 Camp Street, which was also in the same building as Guy Banister’s offices and by no coincidence also the address which Oswald once had printed on his pro-Castro leaflets.

Carlos Bringuier, a Cuban who picked a street fight with Oswald and later debated with him on WDSU-TV, had been the CRC's secretary for publicity. For Bringuier, the CRC’s propagandist, Oswald was not in fact an adversary, but a public image project. With the help of Banister and Bringuier, Oswald raised the public profile of what was in reality a one-man, unauthorized chapter of the Fair Play for Cuba Committee (FPCC). The FPCC was at the time a national organization regarded as subversive in some circles in the federal government. It is likely that Oswald thought he was building an intelligence "legend" that would enable him to infiltrate the FPCC, when he was in fact being set up as a pro-Castro patsy. After his pro-Castro credentials were established in New Orleans, Oswald moved into the Dallas orbit of Jack Ruby, a member of the weapons-smuggling network with which Ferrie and Banister were associated.

Another of Tracy Barnes' agents was Robert Morrow, who was instructed by Barnes to purchase four 7.35 mm Mannlicher-Carcano rifles and modify them so that they could be easily broken down and reassembled. Morrow did so and delivered three of them to David Ferrie, who said they were for use against a "head of state." Morrow is certain that they were used in Dallas, as were the radios he created for Ferrie's compatriot Eladio del Valle. Some time after receiving the equipment, del Valle phoned Morrow to tell him that it would be put to use soon: Kennedy was about to "get it" in Dallas (Morrow 1993).

An FBI informant had overheard a discussion earlier that year in which Cuban exiles discussed that there would be "snipers firing from several different points [and] a main signal would have to be given. . . .What you do is have something - a street sign, anything - and a guy standing beside it takes his hat off. He's telling you that your target's right on the money." (Russell 1992:410-415) Movies and photos of the assassination scene show that at the time of the first shot, a man is standing next to the presidential limousine and under a sign reading "Stemmons Freeway - Keep Right." The man does not remove a hat, but instead waves an open umbrella. After the shooting, two men were photographed sitting on the sidewalk nearby. One appears to be holding a radio and the other has the unmistakable profile of CIA anti-Castro operative Gordon Novel (DiEugenio 1992).

Immediately after the shooting in Dealey Plaza, some of the witnesses had rushed to the grassy knoll in pursuit of a gunman there. Deputy Sheriff Seymour Weitzman was the first officer to scale the fence, and he encountered Cuban Revolutionary Council member and Cuban exile leader Bernard Barker, who showed phony Secret Service credentials and told him that everything was under control. Beginning in June 1972, Weitzman ended up in at least three federal rest homes after having a nervous breakdown, possibly as a result of recognizing Barker in news coverage of the Watergate break-ins. Barker, a long-time associate of Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis from the anti-Castro operations of the early 1960s until the Watergate arrests of 1972, was identified by Weitzman from photographs shown to him (Weberman and Canfield 1992:56-57).

About one half-hour after the shooting, men in Dallas Police uniforms pulled three tramps from a railcar behind the Texas School Book Depository. Though they were presumably booked by the police, there was no record of their arrest. But several photographs of the three men, commonly known as the "tramp photos," remain. It is difficult to imagine that one of the three is any other than CIA officer Howard Hunt, a close associate of David Atlee Phillips, with whom he worked in the both the CIA’s Guatemalan campaign of 1954 and the Bay of Pigs invasion of 1961. Hunt would later be arrested for his role in the Watergate affair. Though the identity of the "tramps" remains a controversy, this author believes that the other two are Texas hit man Charles Harrelson (father of actor Woody Harrelson) and Sam Giancana’s assistant Richard Cain. High on cocaine while being arrested for the murder of a federal judge several years later, Harrelson confessed to having been involved in the assassination of the president (Marrs 1989:333-337). In one photograph, a man is shown walking past the three in the opposite direction. This man was independently identified as Edward Lansdale by two men who knew Lansdale well (Twyman 1997:540).

Howard Hunt has denied being in Dallas on the day of the assassination and has even brought suit against those who have published literature identifying him as one of the tramps. But he has been unable to establish a credible alibi, and one witness placed Hunt in Dallas on the previous day. In one of Hunt's libel suits, one Marita Lorenz gave sworn testimony that Lee Harvey Oswald, American mercenaries Frank Sturgis and Gerry Patrick Hemming, and Cuban exiles including Orlando Bosch, Pedro Diaz Lanz, and the brothers Guillermo and Ignacio Novo Sampol, had met one November midnight in 1963 at the Miami home of Orlando Bosch and had studied Dallas street maps. She also swore that she and Sturgis were at that time in the employ of the CIA and that they received payment from Howard Hunt under the name "Eduardo," an alias which Hunt is known to have used in his dealings with Cuban exiles. After studying the maps, she and the men departed for Dallas in two cars, taking a load of handguns, rifles, and scopes in the follow-up car. They arrived in Dallas on November 21, 1963 and stayed at a motel, where the group met Howard Hunt. Hunt stayed for about forty-five minutes and at one point handed an envelope of cash to Sturgis. About an hour after Hunt left, Jack Ruby came to the door. Lorenz says that this was the first time she had seen Ruby. By this time, she said, it was early evening. In her testimony, Lorenz identified herself and her fellow passengers as members of Operation Forty, the CIA-directed assassination team formed in 1960 in preparation for the Bay of Pigs invasion. She described her role as that of a "decoy." The group blamed Kennedy for the failure at the Bay of Pigs and conspired to kill him, she said. Knowing that something more sinister than gun-running was involved, she left the group about two hours after Ruby's visit and returned to Miami. Sturgis, she said, later told her that she had missed out on the group's killing of Kennedy (Lane 1991).

An article written by former CIA officer Victor Marchetti appeared in the 14 August 1978 edition of The Spotlight, a Washington newspaper. In this article, Marchetti alleged that a decision had been made that March by the CIA to make a limited admission of CIA involvement in the assassination. According to "sensitive sources in the CIA and on HSCA [House Select Committee on Assassinations]," some of the minor figures in the conspiracy were to be exposed. Chief among these was to be Howard Hunt, then a major figure in the relatively recent Watergate scandal. Also allegedly marked for exposure were Gerry Hemming, a long-time Cuba mercenary, and Frank Sturgis, one of Hunt's fellow Watergate burglars.

If, as Charles Harrelson once claimed, he did fire a shot at President Kennedy, it would not have been inconsistent with what is known of his later career. Harrelson is now serving time for killing federal judge John Wood. If the Kennedy conspiracy centered on the protection of a CIA-connected drug ring, it would have that in common with the Wood assassination, as shown in the following excerpts of an article which appeared in From the Wilderness:

[Gary] Eitel [former CIA pilot in Laos during the Vietnam War] says a man by the name of Bill Branson (not his real name), a former employee approached him with a lucrative offer of CIA contract work. He was offered a chance to make more in one day than he could make all month. While Eitel clearly told Branson he would play no part in illegal activities, Branson told Eitel he'd be contacted again in the future.
At a baseball game in the spring of 1973, Eitel says a man in a ball cap, blue jeans and dark glasses sat beside him in the stands.
'Do you like baseball?' Eitel remembers the unidentified man's opening line.
Eitel says was not about to run drugs for anyone, but when the contact wanted expertise on how to set up a dummy aviation company, he agreed to give advice, he says.
The contact pressed a roll of $100 bills into his hand, and at a subsequent meeting Eitel described in detail how to set up a dummy aviation proprietary that would offer cover and deniability.
Again, Eitel says he declined to actually participate in anything illegal.
'I had no problem flying for the CIA (during his Army tour), but I had a lot of problems breaking federal law to fly for the CIA,' says Eitel.
In early 1979 Eitel says Branson called to congratulate him for his wise decision to refuse the drug-hauling contract.
. . .

Eitel says that Branson told him that the drug hauling operation had been unplugged because a federal judge in San Antonio, Texas, John Wood Jr., had gotten wind of the operation and was furious.
'I didn't think a lot about it until later,' says Eitel, 'then it (the call) all made sense.'
Later that year Judge John Woods was assassinated outside his San Antonio home.

Jim Hicks told New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison that he had been at Dealey Plaza as the radio coordinator for the gunmen (Groden and Livingstone 1989:213). Corroborating Hicks' own claims, CIA contract agent Robert Morrow recognized one of four radios he bought for Cuban exile Eladio del Valle in a photograph taken at Dealey Plaza that day. Though he did not name Hicks, Morrow described a photograph similar to one in which a small radio is seen protruding from the back pocket of a man fitting Hicks' description (Russell 1992:537). The Giancana biography also supports Hicks' story that the communications center for the assassination was in the Adolphus Hotel, across the street from Jack Ruby's night club, where high-level CIA officials were present (Giancana 1992:335). Hicks was taken to a military mental institution after talking to the authorities about his role and was kept there until his 1988 release, shortly after which he was murdered (Groden and Livingstone 1989:213).

Critics of conspiracy theories regarding Kennedy's death point to the difficulty of getting the cooperation of several local and federal agencies in any undertaking; such critics reason that the orchestration of a criminal cover-up in such a manner would be nearly impossible. Ironically, it may have been not a criminal conspiracy but rather the efforts of JFK's own brother Bobby which provided the means for one element of the cover-up. As a contingency plan for possible violence against high-level U.S. officials as retaliation by Castro for plots on his life, Bobby and those close to him had decided that all information and evidence in an assassination of a public figure should be tightly controlled to reduce the possibility of speculation of Cuban responsibility. Such speculation could, of course, have sparked an international incident and this was something the Kennedys became increasingly wary of after the Cuban Missile Crisis. This well-documented contingency plan, discussed by researchers Lamar Waldron and Thom Hartmann on the A&E video production The Men Who Killed Kennedy, goes a long way to explain some of the events immediately following Kennedy's death, such as the illegal pre-autopsy removal of the president's body from Parkland Hospital and the manner in which the autopsy was performed at Bethesda Naval Hospital. After that, the Dallas authorities and conspiratorial or misguided elements in Hoover's FBI, led by Hoover himself, buried whatever evidence came up to threaten the official story.

Thus we see that allegations of an official cover-up do not have to be as simple (and implausible) as to suppose that the conspiracy had to have been coordinated from the beginning by unified FBI, CIA, Secret Service, and Dallas authorities. Oswald's pro-Castro cover as an FBI informant and his former espionage mission to Russia were exploited to paint him as a subversive; this image of Oswald, along with attempts by the conspirators to link the assassination to Castro, was a deliberate ploy. The presence of Cuban gunmen at Dealey Plaza and Oswald's alleged trip to the Russian and Cuban embassies in Mexico City in September were meant to point in Castro's direction. This ruse was meant - by the extreme right-wing element among the conspirators - to place the blame on the Communists (particularly Castro) and to provoke a U.S. invasion of Cuba. Theories that the assassination was really an act of revenge masterminded by Castro persist to this day; it is possible that the cover-up will continue as long as Castro is alive. It is only in recent years that the Assassination Records Review Board (created largely in response to public pressure which followed the release of Oliver Stone's film, JFK) has released documents several decades old which show that Castro's military went on alert following the assassination; apparently Castro was caught off-guard and feared that the assassination would be blamed on Cuba and that the U.S. would invade (Lewis 1997).

In addition to having spent a year and a half at the controls of the CIA’s Cuban assassination machine, Edward Lansdale had proven himself in the Philippines and Vietnam to be a master magician, able to stage deceptive events on the grandest scale. He, more than anyone else, would have been the man able to organize the assassination and the diversion of blame in Dallas. It may have been his sleight-of-hand that caused the President’s body to disappear long enough for military surgeons to alter it prior to the official autopsy (Lifton 1980). As the Kennedys’ man in charge of all Cuba operations, Lansdale would have known about the contingency plans which Robert Kennedy had put in place and which would have provided for just such an arrangement; William Harvey was likely to have known as well. In fact, such plans would have been difficult to prepare without word leaking to the administration’s enemies in the CIA, who had informants among the Secret Service. Once the plans were discovered, they would have been easy to exploit.

Jack Ruby’s complicity in the assassination could not be hidden. As well as shooting Lee Harvey Oswald, Ruby had many other roles that weekend. After having been observed dropping off a gunman at the grassy knoll and possibly remaining to witness the assassination from the Dealey Plaza offices of the Dallas Morning News, he was seen at Parkland Hospital not long after the arrival of Kennedy's body, where someone planted a rifle slug on President Kennedy’s stretcher (Groden and Livingstone 1989:102,228,339).

Ruby's next destination after the hospital may have been the Texas Theatre. Local resident George Applin sat six rows from the rear of the theater and was present as the Dallas Police made their arrest of Oswald. Applin told the Dallas Morning News in 1979 that he had seen Jack Ruby sitting in the back row that day watching as Oswald was arrested, though Applin suggested to Ruby that it would be safer for Ruby to move away (Marrs 1989:352). As the police closed in on Oswald, Assistant District Attorney Bill Alexander waited with several others at the back door, hoping to shoot Oswald in an attempt to flee the theater (Craig; Groden and Livingstone 1989:204). They were disappointed, for Oswald did not try to run. Two witnesses, including the one who had tipped off the police to Oswald's conspicuous entrance into the theater, insisted that they heard the authorities clearly indicate that Oswald was the President's assassin, though less than an hour had passed since the shooting (Marrs 1989:352).

Some time during the day, Ruby made a trip to the bank, having suddenly freed himself from chronic financial troubles. He had owed the IRS almost $40,000, but he had $7000 in cash, half of which was found on him the Sunday morning following the Friday assassination. Some reports said that the trunk of his car was full of money (Groden and Livingstone 1989:241). At a midnight press conference at Dallas Police headquarters twelve hours after the assassination, he shouted out a correction to a statement identifying Oswald as a member of the "Free Cuba Committee," an anti-Castro organization. Ruby called out, "That's [the] Fair Play for Cuba [Committee], Henry," identifying Oswald with the pro-Castro organization in the name of which Oswald had distributed leaflets and made television appearances in New Orleans that summer (Scott 1993:161). Ruby knew Oswald, despite the government’s denials that this was the case, and even more significantly, he knew that Oswald’s part in the conspiracy was to be the pro-Castro patsy.

The following day, Ruby met with Bill Alexander, whose task force at the Theatre had failed to dispose of Oswald (Groden and Livingstone 1989:120). The responsibility had now fallen to Ruby, who would have to kill Oswald during the transfer from police headquarters to the jail, or else there would be consequences coming from his Syndicate superiors which would be more terrible than a court-administered death penalty. That night, Ruby made an anonymous call to Dallas Police Officer Billy Grammer, threatening that if Oswald were moved as planned the next morning, "we will kill him." Ruby was either trying to get out of the assignment, hoping that the anonymous threat would result in a change of plans, or perhaps he was trying to manipulate the police into a situation that would somehow simplify the job (Marrs 1989:417).

On the morning of November 24th, 1963, Ruby went to wire some money to Karen Bennett Carlin, an employee who was out of town and hard up. He then showed up at the nearby Dallas Police Headquarters one hour after Oswald's scheduled transfer, but apparently the police had delayed the transfer while waiting for him. He shot Oswald at the police station on live national television; he was immediately arrested and jailed. When Officer Don Archer brought him the news that Oswald was dead, and that Ruby would probably get the electric chair for it, Ruby seemed greatly relieved at the news, as though his life had depended on it (Marrs 1989:423-24).

Rose Cheramie, a heroin addict, had been thrown from a moving vehicle by two men while on a drug pickup for Jack Ruby. On a trip from Florida to Texas in November 1963, she was left for dead in Louisiana and told hospital staff about the President’s impending assassination in Dallas (DiEugenio 1992:25-26). Jack Ruby, as mentioned previously, was a major figure in the drug trade, operating from both Dallas and Miami. But the Warren Commission, the 1964 panel appointed by President Johnson to issue an official report on Kennedy’s death, actively assisted Hoover’s FBI in obscuring Ruby’s organized crime connections, particularly with regard to narcotics trafficking.

The Warren Commission had in its possession an FBI report linking Ruby to convicted narcotics trafficker Joseph Civello. In Contract on America, David Scheim points out a significant difference between the FBI report as it appears in the Commission’s published exhibits (Commission Exhibit 1536) and the report as originally written and stored among the Commission’s documents in the National Archives (Commission Document 84). The field report, filed by Special Agents Donald F. Hallahan and Thomas G. McGee on November 27, 1963 records the statement of one Bobby Gene Moore, a man then living in Oakland who had known Ruby in Dallas. Moore had seen a television interview in which one of Ruby’s associates asserted that Ruby had no connections to any gangsters. Moore wanted to go on record as having observed Ruby frequenting a gambling operation which took place in the liquor store attached to Moore’s rooming house. This much appears in Commission Exhibit 1536. The next three paragraphs of the report, however, were blanked out in CE 1536 in a way that one would not have known that those three paragraphs were even missing. The copy of the report as seen in Commission Document 84 – the version withheld from the public – goes on to say that Mr. Moore also worked for Joseph "Cirello" and Frank La Monte, handling imported Italian cheese. Based on the fact that Moore was not allowed to open certain shipments, he suspected that "Cirello" was importing narcotics. Furthermore, Jack Ruby was a frequent visitor and associate of Moore’s bosses, "Cirello" and La Monte. Moore then goes on to name two law officers who were regular patrons at the liquor store and were probably involved in the gambling operation and a municipal judge into whose car Moore was frequently requested by "Cirello" and La Monte to "put hams and other food stuffs." "Cirello" was of course Joseph Civello, who had been convicted on narcotics charges in the 1930s and was suspected by the Federal Bureau of Narcotics to been a major trafficker in 1957 (Scott 1993:129). This incident of censorship not only demonstrates dishonesty by the Warren Commission but also shows the FBI’s habit of misspelling sensitive names (see also Scott 1993:207,341).

The HSCA’s official investigation of the President’s murder made note that Jack Ruby was in contact with Teamster hit men Lenny Patrick and David Yaras throughout late 1963; the Warren Commission was aware that in the weeks before the assassination Ruby contacted convicted Teamster organizer Barney Baker, who in turn had called David Yaras in Florida on the night before the assassination (Scott, 1993:163). Ruby’s sister told the FBI of Ruby’s strong connections to Patrick and Yaras, but the Bureau misspelled Yaras’ name as "YERES." (Groden and Livingstone 1989:254).

Teamsters President Jimmy Hoffa had dreamed of assassinating Robert Kennedy to relieve the pressure brought on him by the Justice Department (Scheim 1983:86-87). Records of the FBI and the House Select Committee on Assassinations record that Hoffa discussed an assassination plan remarkably similar to the one eventually perpetrated in Dallas.

Having been unceremoniously dumped in the Central American wilderness by immigration officials, New Orleans mob boss Carlos Marcello was infuriated and swore revenge on Bobby Kennedy. However, he spoke aloud his belief that the only way to stop Bobby Kennedy was to get rid of Jack. In September 1962, he made known his intention to assassinate the President. He was still facing deportation in 1963 and was in a court hearing with his legal assistant Dave Ferrie on the morning of the assassination.

On his deathbed, Santos Trafficante expressed disagreement with Marcello’s solution. He told his lawyer, "Carlos f---ed up. . . . We shouldn't have killed Giovanni [Italian for 'John']. We should have killed Bobby." (Ragano and Raab 1994:348)

Sam Giancana confided in his brother that his fellow crime bosses and elements in the CIA and military worked together to assassinate the President, with Texas oilmen paying for the murder (Giancana 1992: 329-332). This is corroborated by Lyndon Johnson’s mistress, Madeline Brown, who said that after she confronted LBJ about the rumors of his guilt in the assassination, Johnson became very angry and said that it had been done by the "oil people" and the CIA (Twyman 1997:851). The assassination’s ties to the oil industry go beyond the oil barons who paid for the hit. One of Lee Harvey Oswald’s CIA handlers was oil-company geologist George DeMohrenschildt, who had many influential contacts and friends in the industry, including George Herbert Walker Bush and Jean De Menil, as mentioned previously. DeMohrenschildt was also familiar with Sam Giancana.

The Texas wells services contractor Brown and Root (a large contractor involved in clandestine warfare, narcotics trafficking and offshore drilling) is a firm known to cooperate with the CIA; the Kennedy threat to the CIA-Mafia-Oil industry smuggling ring was a threat to Brown and Root. Brown and Root clearly benefited from the assassination, having been the number one power behind Lyndon Johnson’s political ascent and one of the greatest beneficiaries of his continued power and his escalation of the Vietnam conflict as soon as he was reelected in 1964 (Caro 1982). Brown and Root was awarded the contract for the dredging of Camh Rahn Bay. George Brown was also named by Madeleine Brown (see above) as having been at the alleged gathering on the eve of the assassination.

Gary Underhill was one of many former intelligence personnel who was "suicided" after proving unable to bear the strain of carrying the Agency’s dark secrets. He was close to many high officials in the military and CIA and was a former military affairs editor for Life magazine. On the day of the assassination and a few months before his own death, he frantically told friends that his life was in danger:

Charlene Fitzsimmons realized something was wrong with the usually rational and objective Underhill. But Underhill insisted he had not been drinking. It was the Kennedy assassination, he explained. It was not what it seemed to be. "Oswald is a patsy. They set him up. It’s too much. The bastards have done something outrageous. They’ve killed the President! I’ve been listening and hearing things. I couldn’t believe they’d get away with it, but they did!"

Charlie did not know what he was talking about. Who were "they"?

"We, I mean the United States. We just don’t do that sort of thing! They’ve gone mad! They’re a bunch of drug runners and gun runners – a real violence group. God, the CIA is under enough pressure already without that bunch in Southeast Asia. Kennedy gave them some time after the Bay of Pigs. He said he’d give them a chance to save face."

He could tell that Charlie did not believe him. "They’re so stupid," he continued. "They can’t even get the right man. They tried it in Cuba and they couldn’t get away with it. Right after the Bay of Pigs. But Kennedy wouldn’t let them do it. And now he’d gotten wind of this and he was really going to blow the whistle on them. And they killed him!" (DiEugenio 1992:28)

This account echoes Sam Giancana’s description of the involvement of American "military brass" from Asia and reinforces the suspicion that the assassination was carried out with a view toward clearing the way for greater U.S. involvement in Southeast Asia and thereby the restructuring of that region’s drug trade.

The Underhill account identifies the Kennedy conspirators with both the Agency’s ZRRIFLE assassination program and its Southeast Asian operations. One man involved at the highest levels in both areas was Edward Lansdale. Another was Desmond Fitzgerald, who in 1962 left his assignment as the CIA’s head of Far Eastern operations to replace William Harvey as head of the Cuba task force. Fitzgerald took many members of his Far Eastern staff with him on the Cuba assignment. On the day of the Kennedy assassination, Fitzgerald was in Paris meeting with a Cuban agent, code-named AMLASH, whose mission was to assassinate Castro. Desmond Fitzgerald was personally close to Winston Scott, the CIA station chief in Mexico City, where Fitzgerald often traveled in 1962-63 (Russell 1992:241-42).

The first National Security Action Memorandum issued by President Johnson was finalized only two days after President Kennedy’s death and had probably been drafted before that time in anticipation of the President’s demise. NSAM 273 of November 24, 1963, according to General Maxwell Taylor, "ma[de] clear the resolve of the President to ensure victory." But Johnson would not escalate the conflict until making it past the next November’s elections: "At a White House reception on Christmas eve, a month after he succeeded to the presidency, Johnson told the Joint Chiefs: ‘Just get me elected, and then you can have your war.’" (Scott 1993:32)

Johnson’s first full term of office began in January 1965. That year, Ed Lansdale went to Vietnam as Senior Liaison Officer of the U.S. Mission to South Vietnam. The years 1965 and 1966 were enormous landmarks for CIA involvement with Southeast Asian heroin. The CIA-mafia alliance moved many of its former Cuba operatives to Southeast Asia. By 1965, a power-hungry Laotian general named Ouane Rattikone was "on a big move . . . to consolidate the opium business" and had cut the Corsican transport pilots out of the picture, leaving Air America as the only alternative (McCoy 1972:301,362-63). From that point on, General Ouane was "the principal overseer of the shipment of opium out of the Golden Triangle via Air America" (Chambliss 1988a) as the CIA-owned airline began picking up the Hmong opium in the hills and flying it to Long Tieng and Vientiane, the political capital of Laos. The business developed, and as time went on the opium was transported aboard Air America from remote airfields in Laos, Burma, and Cambodia to marketplaces and refineries in cities such as Bangkok, Hong Kong, Vientiane, and Saigon. The CIA headquarters for secret operations in northern Laos came to share the city of Long Tieng with a heroin-refining laboratory which General Vang Pao opened in 1970 (McCoy 1972).

Russell Bintliff, former special agent of the Army's Criminal Intelligence Command, discovered that with U.S. government financing, Pepsi-Cola set up a plant in Vientiane which "never produced a single bottle. . . . It was for processing opium into heroin." (Scheim 1983:274). Other sources say the plant (which began construction in 1965 and stood for several years unfinished) was used as a cover for purchases of chemicals vital to heroin processing (McCoy 1972:186). From there, the CIA's mafia associates took over and shipped the end product, heroin, into the U.S. for sale. Pepsi-Cola had other peripheral links to the drug trade:

The major organizer of the opium and heroin traffic in Southeast Asia was a Chinese businessman from Laos by the name of Huu Tin Heng, who organized the Chiu Chow syndicate. Huu was, among other things, the Laotian manager of the Pepsi-Cola company. The president of Pepsi-Cola has been one of Richard Nixon’s long-time and most important friends and supporters. In return, Pepsi-Cola has received substantial help from Nixon, such as monopoly franchises in foreign countries, including a franchise on the Soviet Union market (Chambliss 1979).

In the early 1960s, Pepsi-Cola had interest in removing Fidel Castro from Cuba due to his disruption of the company’s business in buying Cuban sugar. Richard Nixon cited business with Pepsi-Cola as being the reason for his presence in Dallas on the day of President Kennedy’s murder, but his alibi did not check out (Marrs 1989:270).

Ted Shackley had been the CIA’s JMWAVE station chief in Miami from 1962-65 and had directed the Cuban Bay of Pigs veterans against Castro; through Shackley's JMWAVE station, the CIA had a close relationship with mafia figures Santos Trafficante and Johnny Roselli. William Harvey, chief of Task Force W, the CIA’s Cuban task force, worked with Shackley and Roselli. Together, they schemed to undermine Castro, using sabotage and assassinations. There is as yet no proof that Shackley himself was acquainted with Roselli, and it is not uncommon for even higher-level officials involved in top-secret projects to be denied information which they do not have a "need to know." However, both Shackley's immediate superior and subordinate were known to have direct contact with Roselli. Shackley was present with his CIA superior William Harvey when the CIA passed Roselli a truckload of armaments; Shackley's JMWAVE operations chief, David Morales, also knew Roselli. As noted previously, Morales once implicated himself in the assassination ("We took care of that son of b----, didn’t we?"); he worked with David Atlee Phillips many times during his career.

Shackley became the CIA’s Deputy Chief of Station in Laos 1965 and brought in some of his former Miami CIA colleagues (including case officer Thomas Clines); Trafficante was not far behind. In Vietnam, subordinates of Trafficante arrived not long after the first U.S. combat troops (Scott 1993:8). Frank Furci, the son of Trafficante's Tampa lieutenant, arrived in Saigon in 1965, soon taking over the military club racket (McCoy 1972:213). Miami syndicate representative John Pullman made a long stop in Hong Kong that year (Scott, et al 1987:36). After his release from prison in 1966 and before his departure for Mexico, Sam Giancana told his younger brother, "Overseas is where it’s all headin’, Chuck . . . " and shared how Trafficante was "on board for Asia." He continued, "The Vietnam War is gonna make a lot of guys rich" (Giancana 1992:328). Trafficante himself met with prominent Corsican gangsters in Saigon and other gangsters in Hong Kong as early as 1968. One DEA informant said that Trafficante brought "untold millions" to Southeast Asia that year, distributing it to important figures in the region's heroin industry, including the CIA's Hmong leader, Vang Pao. Trafficante was ensuring himself of a steady heroin supply, doing as Meyer Lansky had done by bringing six million dollars on similar trip to Marseilles in the late 1950s (Chambliss 1978:153,185). In the 1980s, Opium warlord Khun Sa named Trafficante as the man to whom he had sold his product in years past. Khun Sa also named Richard Armitage (George W. Bush’s Assistant Secretary of State) as the "money man" for the arrangement (Gritz 1991:369-373).

A Special Forces colonel who was in Laos in early 1965 told Journalist Daniel Hopsicker that up until that time, the opium bought from the Laotian hill tribesmen was disposed of in a monthly bonfire. He noted that the arrival of Ted Shackley, Oliver North, and Richard Secord coincided with a change in procedures; orders were given to store the opium for removal to another site instead of burning it. Secord sent his Air Force planes to bomb Vang Pao’s rivals. Barry Seal at some point became a part of the Southeast Asian enterprise, piloting personnel and contraband (Hopsicker 2001:183-88).

The loose association between Seal, North, Shackley, Clines, Secord, a handful of their anti-Castro Cuban associates from Miami - Felix Rodriguez, Rafael Quintero, and Luis Posada - and the pilots from Air America would survive the Southeast Asian years and come again to prominence during the Iran-Contra affair of the 1980s. The Christic Institute, a public interest law firm, charged that Shackley and others helped sell Laotian guerrillas' opium to Santos Trafficante in return for a "piece of the action." Shackley is alleged to have had an account in an Australian Nugan Hand bank where his percentage of the proceeds was deposited. Frank Nugan and Michael Hand, a CIA agent from Long Tieng, had founded the bank with four Air America officials. Indeed, from Watergate to the Chilean assassinations to the Nugan Hand banking scandal to Iran-Contra, and in many of the scandals in between, the JMWAVE Cubans were always there. The antics of the Christic Institute's head lawyer and publicist in the case, Tom Sheehan, brought no small amount of ridicule upon their case. A 1994 biography of Shackley paints Sheehan as a rumor-monger and reckless opportunist, and his case as a "grand unified theory" of all conspiracies, portraying Shackley as a modern Professor Moriarty pulling all the strings (Corn 1994). In fairness to Sheehan, it must be pointed out that in nearly every place in which the CIA was involved in large-scale dirty deeds over a period of several years, one does not have to look far to find a connection to Shackley. Ted Shackley rose to the post of Associate Deputy Director of Operations (an office with Agency-wide responsibilities to which he was appointed by Director George Bush) before officially retiring from the CIA in 1979 after the Carter Administration had been doing some "housecleaning" in the Agency by dismissing hundreds of covert operatives.

The heroin trade from Southeast Asia was affecting the lives of many Americans who bought it as an import, but it had more immediate effect among U.S. soldiers in Vietnam, eleven percent of whom were smoking the ultra-pure grade available there. Not long after Trafficante's 1968 visit to Hong Kong, opium refineries in the Golden Triangle were producing this high grade of heroin, 90 to 99 percent pure, with the help of master chemists brought in from Hong Kong and Bangkok. Of these, one of General Ouane's several refineries became the largest. By late 1969, they were producing limited supplies for the GIs. Trafficante's Florida syndicate had followed the army into Vietnam in 1965 and had several military club managers "on the take." Such places would seem ideal outlets for some of the narcotics that the Mob was smuggling through the area. Heroin was almost as common among GIs in Vietnam as cigarettes were in the States. After suffering withdrawal long enough to pass their home-going medical exam, they carried this addiction back to the states, where the habit was much more expensive and often required criminal activity for support. In other words, some GI addicts became dealers, using overseas contacts as suppliers (McCoy 1972). Alfred McCoy (1991) suggests that the addiction of the GIs in Vietnam represented a "consumer test" for the U.S. market.

From 1968 until 1972 there was a major change in the pattern of heroin smuggling into the U.S. Near Eastern opium refined and processed by the Corsicans comprised 90 percent of the heroin entering the U.S. in 1968 (Chambliss 1978:153). This "French Connection" peaked in 1971 at an estimated annual import of ten tons into the U.S. but began to dry up in 1972, when U.S. law enforcement began to catch up with the traffickers (Blumenthal 1988:94-96). As U.S. forces took over and supercharged the opium and heroin sources in Southeast Asia, the Nixon White House worked through diplomatic channels to cut off the French Connection's major heroin supply in Turkey (Mills 1986:1118). At that point, the Sicilian-American mafia's share of the market grew to equal the French Corsican share. CIA-trained Cuban exiles became prevalent among traffickers; in one major bust, seventy percent of those arrested were members of Operation Forty. By the early 1970s, American organizers had supplanted the Corsicans in the heroin trade (Krüger 1980).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Blumenthal, Ralph. 1988. The Last Days of the Sicilians: The FBI's War Against the Mafia. New York: Times Books.

Brown, Madeleine. 1997. Texas In The Morning. (out of print)

Caro, Robert. 1982. The Years of Lyndon Johnson: The Path To Power. New York: Knopf .

Chambliss, William. 1988a. "State-Organized Crime." 1988 Presidential Address to American Society of Criminology. Criminology, 27:183-208 (1989).

--------. 1988b. On the Take (second ed.). Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988

--------. 1978. "The Political Economy of Smack: Opiates, Capitalism, and Law." Research in Law and Sociology Vol. 1, 1978, pp. 115-141

Corn, David. 1994. Blond Ghost: Ted Shackley and the CIA's Crusades. New York: Simon & Schuster.

Craig, Roger. When They Kill A President. Unpublished manuscript.

David, Lester, and Irene David. 1986. Bobby Kennedy: The Making of a Folk Hero. New York: Dodd, Mead.

Davis, John H. 1989. Mafia Kingfish. New York: McGraw-Hill.

DeLoach, Cartha D. 1995. Hoover’s FBI: The Inside Story by Hoover’s Trusted Lieutenant. Washington, D.C.: Regnery Publishing, Inc.

DiEugenio, James. 1992. Destiny Betrayed: JFK, Cuba, and the Garrison Case. New York: Sheridan Square Press.

Epstein, Edward Jay. 1966. Inquest: The Warren Commission and the Establishment of the Truth. New York: Viking Press.

Fonzi, Gaeton. 1993. The Last Investigation. New York: Thunder's Mouth.

Garrison, Jim. 1991. On the Trail of the Assassins. New York: Warner Books.

Giancana, Sam and Chuck Giancana. 1992. Double Cross: The Explosive, Inside Story of the Mobster Who Controlled America. New York: Warner Books.

Gritz, Col. James "Bo." 1991. Called To Serve. Sandy Valley, NV: Lazarus Publishing Company.

Groden, Robert. 1994. The Killing of a President: The Complete Photographic Record of the JFK Assassination, the Conspiracy, and the Cover-up. New York: Viking Studio Books.

--------. 1995. The Search for Lee Harvey Oswald: The Complete Photographic Record. New York: Penguin Studio.

Groden, Robert and Harrison Livingstone. 1989. High Treason: The Assassination of John F. Kennedy and the New Evidence of Conspiracy. New York: Berkley Books.

Hinckle, Warren and William Turner. 1992. Deadly Secrets: The CIA-Mafia War Against Castro and the Assassination of J.F.K. New York: Thunder's Mouth.

Hopsicker, Daniel. 2001. Barry and ‘the Boys’: The CIA, the Mob, and America’s Secret History. Noti, OR: Mad Cow Press.

Krüger, Henrik. 1980. The Great Heroin Coup. Boston: South End Press.

Kwitny, Jonathan. 1987. The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money, and the CIA. New York: W. W. Norton.

Lane, Mark. 1991. Plausible Denial. New York: Thunder's Mouth.

Lifton, David. 1980. Best Evidence: Disguise and Deception in the Assassination of John F. Kennedy. New York: Macmillan.

Marks, John. 1979. The Search For The "Manchurian Candidate." New York: W. W. Norton.

Marrs, Jim. 1989. Crossfire: The Plot That Killed Kennedy. New York: Carroll & Graf.

Mason, Eric. "Backlash: The Gary Eitel Story." From the Wilderness. http://www.fromthewilderness.com/free/hall/exclusive.shtml  

McCoy, Alfred W. 1972. The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia. New York: Harper Colophon Books.

--------. 1991. The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade. Brooklyn: Lawrence Hill Books.

Mills, James. 1986. The Underground Empire. Garden City, NY: Doubleday.

Morrow, Robert D. 1976. Betrayal. Chicago: Henry Regnery Company.

--------. 1992. First Hand Knowledge: How I Participated in the CIA-Mafia Murder of John F. Kennedy. New York: S.P.I. Books.

Newman, John. 1992. JFK and Vietnam: Deception, Intrigue, and the Struggle for Power. New York: Warner Books.

North, Mark. 1991. Act of Treason: The Role of J. Edgar Hoover in the Assassination of President Kennedy. New York: Carroll & Graf.

O’Donnell, Kenneth P. and David F. Powers. 1972. Johnny, We Hardly Knew Ye. Boston: Little, Brown

Prouty, L. Fletcher. 1992. JFK: The CIA, Vietnam, and the Plot to Assassinate John F. Kennedy. New York: Carol Pub. Group.

Ragano, Frank and Selwyn Raab. 1994. Mob Lawyer: Including the Inside Account of Who Killed Jimmy Hoffa and JFK. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.

Reed, Terry and John Cummings. 1993. Compromised: Clinton, Bush and the CIA. New York: Shapolsky Publishers, Inc.

Russell, Dick. 1992. The Man Who Knew Too Much. New York: Carroll & Graf.

Scheim, David E. 1983. Contract on America: The Mafia Murder of President John F. Kennedy. Silver Spring, MD: Argyle Press.

Scott, Peter Dale. 1993. Deep Politics and the Death of JFK. Berkeley: University of California Press.

--------. 1972. The War Conspiracy: The Secret Road to the Second Indochina War. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill.

Scott, Peter Dale with Jane Hunter, and Jonathan Marshall. 1987. The Iran-Contra Connection. Boston: South End Press.

Shaw, Gary with Larry Harris. 1992. Cover-Up: The Governmental Conspiracy to Conceal the Facts About the Public Execution of John Kennedy. Second edition. Austin, TX: Collector's Editions.

Summers, Anthony. 1980. Conspiracy. New York: McGraw-Hill.

--------. 1993. Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons.

Tarby, Russ. 1996. "Sex, Drugs, and JFK." (Interview with Professor Peter Dale Scott). Syracuse New Times, Nov. 20, 1996. Syracuse, NY. http://newtimes.rway.com/1996/112096/cover.htm

Tarpley, Webster Griffin and Chaitkin, Anton. 1992. George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography. Washington DC: Executive Intelligence Review.

Theoharis, Athan. 1995. J. Edgar Hoover, Sex, and Crime. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee.

Twyman, Noel. 1997. Bloody Treason. Rancho Santa Fe, CA: Laurel Publishing.

United States Government. 1964. Report of the President's Commission on the Assassination of President Kennedy. Washington, D.C.: United States Govt. Printing Office.

U.S. Treasury Department, Bureau of Narcotics. 1961. Profile of Santo Trafficante Jr. http://www.cuban-exile.com/doc_126-150/doc0126.htm .

Weberman, A. J. and Michael Canfield. 1992. Coup D'Etat In America: The CIA and the Assassination of John F. Kennedy. San Francisco: Quick American Archives.

Wise, David, and Thomas B. Ross. 1964. The Invisible Government. New York: Random House.

Wolfe, Jane. 1989. The Murchisons: The Rise and Fall of a Texas Dynasty. New York: St. Martin's Press.

Wyden, Peter. 1979. Bay of Pigs: The Untold Story. New York: Simon & Schuster.

ARTICLES

Feinsilber. Mike. "Ford altered crucial JFK report." Associated Press article appearing in Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 3 July 1997, p. A3.

Lewis, Neil A. "Castro feared U.S. invasion after JFK assassination." New York Times article appearing in Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 20 August 1997, p. A3.

Myers, Laura. "CIA wanted to pay mob for Castro hit." Associated Press article appearing in Seattle Post-Intelligencer, 2 July 1997, p. A1.

Ruppert, Mike. 2000. "The Bush-Cheney Drug Empire." See http://www.copvcia.com/ .

TAPES/BROADCASTS

The Assassination of JFK. Oak Forest, IL: MPI Home Video, 1992.

Best Evidence: The Research Video. Santa Monica, CA: Rhino Video, 1990.

Jack Anderson: JFK, the Mob, and Me. New York: A & E Home Video, 1994.

The Men Who Killed Kennedy. New York: A & E Home Video

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Richard Helms

AKA Richard McGarrah Helms

Born: 30-Mar-1913
Birthplace: St. Davids, PA
Died: 22-Oct-2002
Location of death: Washington, DC
Cause of death: Cancer - Bone
Remains: Cremated, Arlington National Cemetery, Arlington, VA

Gender: Male
Race or Ethnicity: White
Sexual orientation: Straight
Occupation: Government

Nationality: United States
Executive summary: CIA Director, 1966-73

Military service: US Navy (1942-46)

Father: Herman Helms
Sister: Betty Helms Hawn
Brother: Pearsall Helms
Brother: Gates Helms
Wife: Julia Bretzman Shields (sculptor, m. 1939, div. 1968, one son)
Son: Dennis Helms
Wife: Cynthia Ratcliff McKelvin (m. 1968)

    High School: Carteret School, Orange, NJ
    University: Williams College (1935)

    US Ambassador to Iran 1973-76
    CIA Director 1966-73
    CIA Deputy Director 28-Apr-1965 to 30-Jun-1966
    OSS Agent
    The Indianapolis Times
    Alfalfa Club 1971
    Chi Psi Fraternity Williams, 1935
    Phi Beta Kappa Society Williams
    National Security Medal
    Perjury Pleaded guilty, 1977
    Contempt of Congress

Rotten Library Page:
Richard Helms

Author of books:
Look Over My Shoulder: A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency (2003, autobiography, with William Hood)

 

 

 

 

 

Path: news2.east.cox.net!news1.east.cox.net!east.cox.net!peer01.cox.net!cox.net!cyclone1.gnilink.net!wn12feed!worldnet.att.net!204.127.198.203!attbi_feed3!attbi.com!rwcrnsc53.POSTED!not-for-mail From: "Dr. Truth" Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy.jfk References: <2b29c281.0306111543.30a30c06@posting.google.com> Subject: Re: Helms learns of the assassination Lines: 6455 X-Priority: 3 X-MSMail-Priority: Normal X-Newsreader: Microsoft Outlook Express 6.00.2800.1158 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2800.1165 Message-ID: NNTP-Posting-Host: 12.233.119.209 X-Complaints-To: abuse@attbi.com X-Trace: rwcrnsc53 1055376679 12.233.119.209 (Thu, 12 Jun 2003 00:11:19 GMT) NNTP-Posting-Date: Thu, 12 Jun 2003 00:11:19 GMT Organization: AT&T Broadband Date: Thu, 12 Jun 2003 00:11:19 GMT Xref: east.cox.net alt.conspiracy.jfk:265004 X-Received-Date: Wed, 11 Jun 2003 20:11:21 EDT (news2.east.cox.net) "Ed Dolan" <74030.3022@compuserve.com> wrote in message news:2b29c281.0306111543.30a30c06@posting.google.com... > "Dr. Truth" wrote in message news:... > > Pardon me, but is not Mr. Helms the gentleman that lied to the Senate > > Committee in the 1970s? > > And was caught? > No. I don't know where you get your information. He was not like Files. Gosh Ed - looks like I caught you lying again...I'm so sorry...but you old CIA agents are all alike....it's getting too easy to catch you in lies now... 1st of all: Files never appeared before a congressional committee and 2nd: Richard McGarrah Helms Lieutenant, United States Navy Director, Central Intelligence Agency Courtesy of the New York Times May 4, 2003 'A Look Over My Shoulder': Secrets of the Spymaster By JOSEPH E. PERSICO A LOOK OVER MY SHOULDER A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency. By Richard Helms with William Hood. Illustrated. 478 pp. New York: Random House. $35. Has Richard Helms, the famously closemouthed director of central intelligence -- called ''the man who kept the secrets'' in the apt title of Thomas Powers's biography -- finally decided to spill all? Almost, but selectively, judiciously and, it turns out, posthumously (he died last year). One of Helms's best-kept secrets is that he was writing this autobiography, with his C.I.A. colleague William Hood, after fending off writers who had tried unsuccessfully for years to pry loose his story. Helms finally broke his silence, he tells us in ''A Look Over My Shoulder,'' because the end of the cold war freed him from his self-imposed omerta. In his six and a half years leading the C.I.A., he became the very model of a modern major spymaster -- urbane, impeccably attired, affable yet impenetrable, a man who could charm and chill in the same one-minute cycle. His early life reads like a pre-spook course: born on Philadelphia's Main Line, educated at the same Swiss prep school attended by the future shah of Iran, early fluency in French and German, a magna cum laude scholar at Williams College, a first job as a reporter in prewar Europe, during which time, at the age of 23, he had an interview with Hitler. Helms was briefly diverted from his true path by a desire to make money, and thus became an unlikely advertising salesman for The Indianapolis Times. World War II got him back on track. Helms went into the Navy and then into the Office of Strategic Services, parent of today's Central Intelligence Agency. When the war ended, ''I was hooked on intelligence,'' Helms confesses. He was present at the creation and never left, pursuing a 30-year career that culminated in his rise to director of central intelligence from 1966 to 1973. The reader is irresistibly drawn first to the two most incendiary events in that career, Watergate and Chile, the high and low, as it were. President Nixon's attempt to insulate his administration from Watergate by enmeshing the C.I.A. was brazen even by Nixonian standards. First, Nixon's strong-arm man, H. R. Haldeman, threatened that any C.I.A. investigation of Watergate would expose sensitive agency operations, particularly the Bay of Pigs fiasco in Cuba of 11 years before. Helms responded, ''The Bay of Pigs hasn't got a damned thing to do with this.'' More brazen still, Nixon had his counsel, John Dean, order the C.I.A. to come up with bail money to spring the jailed Watergate burglars. Helms writes, ''I had no intention of supplying any such money, or of asking Congress for permission to dip into funds earmarked for secret intelligence purposes to provide bail for a band of political bunglers.'' Nixon backed down. Three cheers for Helms this time. However, on the Chilean affair, Helms emerges as rather less sterling. He states at first that C.I.A. secret operations in Chile were designed solely ''to preserve the democratic constitutional system.'' Yet in 1970, when the leftist candidate, Salvador Allende, was democratically elected president, Nixon ordered Helms to do whatever it took, with a free hand to spend $10 million, to see that Allende never took office. Nixon warned Helms to reveal nothing of this plotting even to the secretary of state, secretary of defense or United States ambassador to Chile. This time Helms knuckled under to presidential pressure, which was eventually to produce the great trauma of his career. In February 1973, seven months before Allende was overthrown by a right-wing coup in which he died, Helms testified under oath before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the C.I.A. had never aided Allende's opponents. Soon after, he testified before a Senate subcommittee headed by Senator Frank Church that the C.I.A. had had no dealings with the Chilean military. These untruths would lead, in 1977, to Helms's plea of no contest on two misdemeanor counts, resulting in a fine of $2,000 and a two-year suspended prison sentence. Helms's willingness to take the heat reflects a core difference between the ordinary American's conception of citizenship and the culture inculcated by the C.I.A. Helms had long ago sworn to keep the agency's secrets. He had also sworn before the Senate committees to tell the truth. To Helms, exposing sources and methods to headline-hunting senators ranked well below his vow to keep secrets upon which, in his judgment, the security of the nation hung. Helms claimed to wear his conviction for misleading Congress like a badge of honor. The intelligence fraternity concurred, giving him a standing ovation at a lunch after the trial and passing the hat to cover his fine. Tales of derring-do enliven Helms's readable story throughout, but its real significance is likely to surprise spy-thriller aficionados and conspiracy theorists: the C.I.A. is, first and foremost, simply a government agency. No differently than the Department of Agriculture, it executes White House policy. Helms's professional life is essentially the story of undercover operations ordered by presidents. Standout examples: Eisenhower's decisions to topple Prime Ministers Patrice Lumumba in Congo and Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran, President Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala and Fidel Castro in Cuba (continued by Kennedy), and Nixon's clandestine war against Allende. In the 1960's, at the peak of racial upheaval and demonstrations against the Vietnam War, President Johnson ordered Helms ''to track down the foreign Communists who are behind this intolerable interference in our domestic affairs.'' This demand led Helms to start up a covert snooping operation that he admits involved ''a violation of our charter'' not to spy on Americans at home. On the big stuff, Helms makes a convincing case that rather than being a ''rogue elephant,'' an ''invisible government'' as often charged, the C.I.A. is a president's political weapon of last resort, the keeper of the bag of dirty tricks. If agency acts appear roguish, Helms says, it is when government policy is roguish. He describes the dilemma when a president orders his intelligence chief to step out of bounds: ''What is the D.C.I. to do? . . . Has he the authority to refuse to accept a questionable order on a foreign policy question of obvious national importance?'' At this point, the spy chief's choices are to sign on or resign. Helms offers telling instances of the uselessness of even the keenest intelligence if its message is unwelcome at the top. In analyzing the domino theory, which held that if Vietnam fell, the whole non-Communist world would teeter, Helms sent Johnson a secret assessment that concluded, ''The net effects would probably not be permanently damaging to this country's ability to play its role as a world power.'' Johnson ignored the report's existence and pressed on with the war. During the cold war debate over the Soviet Union's capacity to deliver a first-strike knockout punch to the United States, the C.I.A. found that the Kremlin had neither the intention nor the weaponry to do so. The Nixon administration told Helms, in effect, to get on the team or shut up. Dick Helms remained throughout his career a thoroughgoing company man, albeit with spine-tingling job descriptions. His loyalty to old C.I.A. hands could be uncritical. The most egregious example involved his counterintelligence chief, James Jesus Angleton. The paranoid Angleton practically paralyzed the C.I.A.'s Soviet division by a long, fruitless hunt for a mole inside the agency. Over a hundred loyal officers fell under investigation; some were forced to resign. In implementing the dismissals, Helms says, ''I had no choice but to accept a decision that in effect said each was innocent, but that the innocence could not be proved.'' In this post-9/11 age of anxiety one looks for lessons in the life of a man who spent his career in the intelligence end of national security. The lesson here is how totally changed the present amorphous threats are from the comparatively clear-cut cold war battles Helms fought for a generation. By the time he died at the age of 89, with those battles long behind him, Helms's blemishes had been washed away. In 1983 President Reagan awarded him the National Security Medal. Upon his death he was buried with full honors in Arlington National Cemetery. Whether one likes or loathes the furtive world in which Helms lived, whether one sees him as a patriot or compliant careerist, this surprise autobiography provides an unsurpassed insider look into how American intelligence actually operates. It's a view offering more than enough ammunition for admirers and antagonists alike. Joseph E. Persico's latest book is ''Roosevelt's Secret War: FDR and World War II Espionage.'' -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Reviewed by James Bamford Sunday, April 27, 2003 A LOOK OVER MY SHOULDER A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency By Richard Helms with William Hood Random House. 478 pp. $35 Richard Helms was back among friends. On a crisp and tranquil late November morning, tinged with the musty scent of dried leaves and old bark, the man who was arguably America's most famous spy since Nathan Hale descended into eternal darkness. Buried with him, beneath a gently sloping hill at Arlington National Cemetery, was a lifetime of mystery, secrets and controversy. Nearby, sharing the same hallowed ground, were the graves of his old friend Frank Wisner, a specialist in covert action, and General Walter Bedell Smith, a mentor and fellow former director of the Central Intelligence Agency. But before he made his final exit last year at the age of 89, Helms left behind a packet of long-held secrets, like a spy loading a dead drop and then disappearing into the cold. They are contained not in a moldy tree trunk but in his posthumous autobiography, A Look Over My Shoulder. Over the years, I occasionally shared a meal with the legendary spymaster at one of his favorite haunts, Washington's Sulgrave Club, where his wife, Cynthia, was a member. Tall and lanky, with thin lips pursed together as if sealed with a zipper, he once told me that he had always vowed never to write about his life in the shadows. He even refused to read books he perceived as biased against him or the agency, such as Thomas Powers's well-received The Man Who Kept the Secrets, published in 1979. Then, while on vacation once during the mid-1990s, he brought along Powers's book and finally began turning the pages. Pleasantly surprised by the author's accuracy and fairness, he gradually made the decision to at last unseal a bit of his cipher-locked past. It is too bad he did not make the decision much earlier, when many of the words, the events, the emotions, the colors and the details would still have been fresh in his mind. Writing at such a long remove in time is a little like looking through the wrong end of a telescope. Compounding his difficulty was the lack of access to still-classified documents and a rigid agency review process. The result is a book with too much flat history and too few new insights and revelations. Nevertheless, the opportunity to at last see much of the 20th century through Helms's probing eyes is well worth the price. While offering few new details in recounting some of the major events of his long tenure at the CIA -- he saw no indications of conspiracy during the Kennedy assassination, for example -- Helms sometimes does come up with surprises. One involves the deadly Israeli attack on the American electronic surveillance ship USS Liberty during the Six Day War in 1967. Thirty-four American sailors were killed, and 171 were wounded in the incident. Although at the time Israel claimed it was a mistake, and an "interim" CIA intelligence memorandum agreed, that view later changed. "I had no role in the board of inquiry that followed," Helms writes, "or the board's finding that there could be no doubt that the Israelis knew exactly what they were doing in attacking the Liberty. I have yet to understand why it was felt necessary to attack this ship or who ordered the attack." This is consistent with the views of some members of the administration at the time, including Secretary of State Dean Rusk and the director and deputy directors of the National Security Agency, which was in charge of the ship. Overshadowing all else during Helms's years as director were the Vietnam War and the domestic protests it spawned. Among the operations Helms was most proud of was the CIA's very secret paramilitary role in Laos, attempting to resist a government takeover by communist forces. Until America pulled out of Vietnam, the operation succeeded in fighting back the guerrillas and largely maintaining the status quo. "We had fulfilled our mission and we remain proud of it," he writes. "We had won the war!" Vietnam, however, was a different story. But it was the war at home that long haunted Helms. "Nothing in my thirty-year service brought me more criticism," he wrote, "than my response to President Johnson's insistence that the Agency supply him proof that foreign agents and funds were at the root of the racial and political unrest that took fire in the summer of 1967." The agency's response was given the apt cryptonym CHAOS. "CHAOS," he admits, "was my responsibility." In the process of giving Johnson the answer he was not expecting -- there was "no trace" of foreign involvement -- the agency for the first time began secretly treading on domestic soil, "a violation of our charter," Helms confesses. If Helms is remembered for the controversy of CHAOS, he should also be remembered for the courage of standing up to President Nixon's attempt to tar the CIA with the brush of Watergate. Shortly after the break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters and the arrest of those involved, Nixon had his White House lawyer, John Dean, put pressure on Helms's deputy, Vernon Walters. "Dean had one request," Helms writes. "The White House wanted money from CIA to make bail for the burglars." Helms refused, telling Walters, "There was no way that the [CIA] could furnish secret funds to the Watergate crowd without permanently damaging and perhaps even destroying the Agency." Five months later, Helms got the boot. If Helms thought that he was finally out of harm's way once he turned in his cloak and dagger, he couldn't have been more mistaken. Nominated to become ambassador to Iran, he was called before an open Senate committee for confirmation and was asked whether the CIA played a role in a coup in Chile that brought down the government of Salvador Allende. Rather than tell the truth and expose the CIA's involvement or ask to answer the question in closed session, Helms simply lied and said no. Years later the answer came back to haunt him. He was charged with failing to testify "fully and completely" before the committee and pleaded no contest. Following a sharp tongue-lashing by the judge, who told Helms he stood before the court "in disgrace and shame," he was sentenced to two years in prison and a $2,000 fine. The judge then suspended the jail time. Helms turned ashen. But upon leaving the courthouse he claimed that the conviction represented a "badge of honor" for having lied to protect an agency operation. Six years later, he received the National Security Medal, the highest award in the intelligence community, from President Ronald Reagan for "exceptional meritorious service." As the horse-drawn caisson waited to carry Richard Helms to his final resting place on that chilly fall morning, the man who must now keep the secrets paid tribute. "Wherever American intelligence officers strive to defend and extend freedom," said George Tenet, the director of Central Intelligence, "Richard Helms will be there." . James Bamford is the author, most recently, of "Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency." -------------------------------------------------------------------------- From contemporary press reports: 20 November 2002: Buried with military honors, former CIA Director Richard Helms was remembered on Wednesday as a man "who knew the value of a stolen secret" and became one of the great heroes of America's clandestine intelligence operations. "In Richard Helms, intelligence in service to liberty found an unsurpassed champion," said George Tenet, the CIA's current director. Helms, who died at 89 on October 23, 2002, began his intelligence career during World War II and rose through the ranks during the Cold War. He served as CIA director for six years before President Nixon fired him for refusing to block an FBI probe into the 1972 Watergate break in. He was buried at Arlington National Cemetery before a large group of mourners that included members of the intelligence and defense establishments of several presidential administrations. At a memorial service at Fort Myer, Virginia, following Helms' burial, Tenet called Helms "one of our greatest heroes." "He came to know, as few others ever would, the value of a stolen secret, and the advantage that comes to our democracy from the fullest possible knowledge of those abroad determined to destroy it," Tenet said. Beginning in the 1930s as an enterprising reporter for United Press, for whom he interviewed Adolf Hitler, Helms found his way to wartime service with the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. intelligence agency that was the forerunner of the CIA. At the OSS, Tenet said, "Richard Helms found the calling of his lifetime." "In its Secret Intelligence Branch, he mastered the delicate, demanding craft of agent operations," Tenet said. "He excelled at both the meticulous planning and the bold vision and action that were - and remain today __ the heart of our work to obtain information critical to the safety and security of the United States __ information that can be gained only through stealth and courage." Tenet called Helms' later CIA career "the stuff of legend," praising his "sound operational judgment, his complete command of facts (and) his reputation as the best drafter of cables anywhere ..." "In an organization where risk and pressure are as common as a cup of coffee, he was unflappable," Tenet said. Tenet said Helms' legacy is the American intelligence agents he taught and who carry on in his place. Helms himself addressed the profession of an intelligence officer in a 1996 speech quoted in the program for his memorial service. "Military conflicts and terrorist attacks have not gone out of style," he said then. "An alert intelligence community is our first, best line of defense. Service there is its own reward. A military honor guard escorts the horse-drawn carriage carrying the remains of former CIA Director Richard Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va. Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. A U.S. Navy honor guard prepares to remove the cremated remains of former CIA Director Richard Helms from a ceremonial flag-draped casket on a caisson at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Virginia November 20, 2002. Members of a naval honor guard carry a flag and a box containing the ashes of former CIA Director Richard Helms during ceremonies at Arlington National Cemetery CIA Director George Tenet, right, awaits the flag that draped the casket of former CIA Director Richard Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va. Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. Helms, the spymaster who led the CIA through some of its most difficult years and was later fired by President Nixon when he refused to block an FBI probe into the Watergate scandal, died last month. Afterward, Tenet presented the flag to Helms' widow. Family members of former CIA Director Richard Helms hold the flag that draped his casket during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery , Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. Cynthia Helms, widow of former CIA Director Richard Helms, pauses over a container with the remains of Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Former CIA Director Helms Dead at 89 Wed Oct 23, 2002 7:17 PM ET Former CIA Director Richard Helms, who led the spy agency during the height of the Vietnam War and resisted attempts by President Richard Nixon to involve the CIA in Watergate, has died. He was 89. Helms was in declining health and died at his home on Tuesday (22 October 2002). The cause of death was not immediately available. "The men and women of American intelligence have lost a great teacher and a true friend," CIA Director George Tenet said in a statement on Wednesday. He ordered flags at the agency's headquarters in Virginia flown at half-staff. "As director of central intelligence for almost seven years, he steered a bold and daring course, one that rewarded both rigor and risk," Tenet said. Helms led the spy agency from June 1966 to February 1973 during one of the most contentious periods of American history with both the Vietnam War and Watergate. He was the first career CIA officer to reach the agency's top position. Helms was first appointed by President Lyndon Johnson and in 1969 was reappointed by Nixon. After the controversial break-in at Democratic headquarters at the Watergate Hotel in 1972, Helms resisted attempts by Nixon to involve the CIA in the ensuing cover-up, which ultimately brought down his presidency. The CIA chief was not reappointed to his post. Helms' name also emerged in the guessing game of who was "Deep Throat," the confidential source that helped Washington Post reporters break open the Watergate scandal. After leaving the CIA, Helms went on to become U.S. ambassador to Iran from March 1973 to January 1977. In 1977, he was charged with perjury for denying the CIA had tried to overthrow the government in Chile in testimony to Congress. Helms was given a suspended jail sentence. 'PAINFUL PERIOD' "I think he remembered that as a painful period in his life. Dick always believed that he was seeking a higher good there in protecting the sources who had worked with the agency at risk to themselves and our own people in the field," said John Gannon, former National Intelligence Council chairman and friend of Helms. "History will judge his performance there." A CIA report released two years ago said in September 1970 Nixon told Helms that a Salvador Allende regime in Chile would not be acceptable and authorized $10 million for the CIA to prevent him from reaching power. Allende was elected, so then the CIA was directed to instigate a coup but those efforts also failed. Three years later in September 1973, a bloody coup put Gen. Augusto Pinochet in power and Allende killed himself. The CIA has maintained it did not instigate that coup. Helms worked for years in the CIA's clandestine service which conducts covert operations and became deputy director for plans in 1962. During that time, the CIA tried unsuccessfully to remove President Fidel Castro from power in Cuba. Helms, a private consultant since 1977, remained a helping hand of experience to the CIA, Gannon said. "He was almost a folk hero at CIA because he actively worked to stay engaged and to be useful and helpful to people in the agency," he said. Helms had a quiet, reserved manner that could intimidate subordinates and was known as a dapper dresser. "Dick was a man you had to work to get to know. He had a certain reserve about him and he had a patrician air," Gannon said. "But if you cut through that and got to know Dick he was an extremely warm man with a really great capacity for friendship," he said. Helms started out as a journalist for the predecessor to United Press International in Europe, covered the 1936 Olympic games in Berlin and interviewed German leader Adolf Hitler. He joined the Navy in 1942 and was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the predecessor to the CIA. He worked in Washington, London, Paris and Luxembourg, running espionage operations against Germany. Helms will be buried at Arlington National Cemetery on November 20, 2002. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Richard M. Helms, 89, the quintessential intelligence and espionage officer who joined the Central Intelligence Agency at its founding in 1947 and rose through the ranks to lead it for more than six years, died Tuesday night (23 October 2002) at his home, the CIA announced today. No immediate cause of death was reported. Mr. Helms was the first career intelligence professional to serve as the nation's top spymaster, and he was among the last of the remaining survivors of the CIA's organizing cadre, operatives who earned their espionage stripes as young men during World War II. His years at the agency covered a period in which CIA service was widely honored as a noble and romantic calling in the Cold War against the Soviet Union. But much of this mystique had dissolved in the national malaise that accompanied the war in Vietnam and the Watergate scandal. At his retirement in 1973, Mr. Helms left an organization viewed with suspicion by many and about to undergo intense scrutiny from an unfriendly Congress for activities ranging from assassination plots against foreign leaders to spying on U.S. citizens. As a veteran of the craft of espionage, he had always followed a code that stressed maximum trust and loyalty to his agency and colleagues; maximum silence where outsiders were concerned. "The Man Who Kept the Secrets," was the title chosen by author Thomas Powers for his biography of Mr. Helms. In the judgment of Richard Helms, the CIA worked only for the president. He did not welcome congressional inquiry or oversight. In 1977 he pleaded no contest in a federal court to charges of failing to testify fully before Congress about the CIA role in the covert supply of money to Chilean anti Marxists in 1970 in an effort to influence a presidential election. "I found myself in a position of conflict," Mr. Helms said. "I had sworn my oath to protect certain secrets." He received a suspended two-year prison sentence and a $2,000 fine, which was paid in full by retired CIA agents. Six years later at a White House ceremony, Mr. Helms received the National Security Medal from President Reagan for "exceptionally meritorious service." He said he considered this award "an exoneration." His career at the CIA covered periods of searching for communists in the U.S. government and the Red Scare tactics of Sen. Joseph R. McCarthy (R-Wis.); the ill-fated CIA-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, and plots against Cuban dictator Fidel Castro. It included the rending of the American social fabric and the antiwar protests of the Vietnam era, and it ended during the the Watergate crisis that ultimately ended the presidency of Richard M. Nixon. On leaving the CIA, Mr. Helms served three years as ambassador to Iran, then in 1976 ended his government service. As one of its ranking officers for most of the CIA's first 25 years, Mr. Helms helped form and shape the agency, and he recruited, trained, assigned and supervised many of its top agents. During the 1950s and early 1960s he held high positions in the division responsible for clandestine operations. " . . . He was a kind of middle man between the field and Washington policymakers, approving and even choosing the wording of cables to the field describing 'requirements'; and passing on concrete proposals for operations from the local CIA stations," Powers wrote in his biography of Mr. Helms. By 1958 he was second in command of covert operations when he was passed over for the directorship of that activity in favor of Richard M. Bissell Jr., who in 1961 would plan and direct the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion of Fidel Castro's Cuba. In this operation, a force of 1,200 CIA trained and equipped Cuban exiles attempted to retake the island from Castro, but the effort failed and most of the invaders were killed or captured. Mr. Helms, who by nature had been cool and skeptical toward covert operations on such a large scale, had kept his distance from the Bay of Pigs. But the fiasco proved to be Bissell's undoing and he retired amid the political fallout that followed. Mr. Helms replaced him in 1962, winning at last the position that had eluded him four years earlier. He became the CIA's deputy director for plans, the innocuous sounding title of covert action chief. With his new assignment he inherited a pressure campaign from the White House to get rid of Castro by other means. During the next several months the agency would contemplate schemes for Castro's overthrow or assassination, but none ever materialized. In 1965 Mr. Helms was named to the number two job at the agency, deputy director of Central Intelligence. Retiring CIA chief John A. McCone had campaigned to have Mr. Helms succeed him, but President Lyndon B. Johnson instead chose Navy Vice Adm. William F. Raborn, who lasted only 14 months in the job. In 1966 the president named Mr. Helms CIA director. He would serve longer as Director of Central Intelligence than anyone except Allen Dulles, the legendary spymaster who led the CIA from 1953 to 1961. As America's top spymaster, Powers wrote in his biography, Mr. Helms "is remembered as an administrator, impatient with delay, excuses, self-seeking, the sour air of office politics. Asked for an example of Helms' characteristic utterance, three of his old friends came up with the same dry phrase, 'Let's get on with it.' . . . Helm's style was cool by choice and temperment; his instinct was to soften differences, to find a middle ground, to tone down operations that were getting out of hand, to give faltering projects one more chance rather than shut them down altogether, to settle for compromise in the interests of bureaucratic peace." He tended to work regular hours, 8:30 a.m. to 6:30 p.m., and his desk was always cleared when he left the office at night. Mr. Helms kept a low public profile as CIA director, and he avoided publicity. But he lunched occasionally with influential figures in the media, and he was assiduous in cultivating the congressional support he needed to manage his agency. He made only one public speech during his years as CIA leader, telling the nation's newspaper editors that "the nation must, to a degree, take it on faith that we, too, are honorable men, devoted to her service." Richard McGarrah Helms was born in St. Davids, Pa., to a family of financial means. His father was an Alcoa executive and his maternal grandfather a leading international banker. He grew up in South Orange, N.J., and attended high school in Switzerland for two years. While there he became proficient in French and German. In 1935 he graduated Phi Beta Kappa from Williams College, where in his senior year he was president of his class, editor of the campus newspaper and the yearbook and president of the honor society. His life's ambition on leaving college was to own and operate a daily newspaper. In pursuit of that goal he paid his own fare to London where he became a European reporter for United Press. His assignments included coverage of the 1936 Olympic Games in Berlin. The following year he was one of a group of foreign correspondents to interview Adolf Hitler. Shortly thereafter he returned to the United States and took a job with the Indianapolis Times newspaper, where by 1939 he had become national advertising director. With the entry of the United States into World War II he joined the Navy, and in 1943 was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. wartime espionage agency that antedated the CIA. There he had desk jobs in New York and Washington and later in London. At the end of the war he was posted in Berlin, where he worked for Allen Dulles. Discharged from military service in 1946, he continued doing intelligence work as a civilian. When the U.S. wartime intelligence forces merged into the CIA in 1947, Mr. Helms became one of the architects of the new organization. During the 1950s, Dulles gave him special assignments from time to time. At the height of Sen. McCarthy's fervid hunts for communists inside the government, Mr. Helms headed a CIA committee to protect the agency against McCarthy's efforts to infiltrate the CIA with his own informers. The committee's job was to monitor reports of covert approaches to CIA officers by McCarthy agents and to plug any leaks. During the years there would be more assignments with domestic political implications. Early in Mr. Helms' directorship, as the war in Vietnam and the antiwar protests were both escalating, Johnson asked the CIA to determine whether antiwar activity in the United States was being financially or otherwise backed by foreign countries. In response to this request, the agency in 1967 launched a domestic surveillance program known as "Operation Chaos," which became the focus of intense controversy when it was disclosed publicly by The New York Times in 1975. With the election of Richard Nixon as president in 1968, White House involvement with the CIA only intensified. Even before the 1972 Watergate break-in at Democratic National Committee headquarters that led to Nixon's downfall, the White House had demanded and received CIA files on agency plots to assassinate foreign leaders during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. These included Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo. But the relationship between Mr. Helms and Nixon was never smooth, and in November of 1972, shortly after he had been elected to his second term, the president summoned his CIA chief to a meeting at Camp David and asked him to resign. Nixon's reasons were never made public, but Power said in his biography that Mr. Helms was convinced "that Nixon fired him for one reason only - because he had refused wholeheartedly to join the Watergate cover-up." At the Camp David meeting, the president had asked Mr. Helms if he'd like to be an ambassador, and the two men had agreed on Iran. But during his three years in Iran, Mr. Helms would make more than a dozen trips back to Washington to testify before Senate committees investigating CIA activities during his directorship. Links between unsavory Nixon White House activities and the CIA, including the agency's lending of disguises to Watergate conspirator E. Howard Hunt and the CIA backgrounds of many of the Watergate burglars prompted an internal examination ordered by Mr. Helm's successor at the agency, James R. Schlesinger. This resulted in a 693-page compendium of agency misdeeds, including assassination attempts, burglaries, electronic eavesdropping and LSD testing of persons without their knowledge. William R. Colby, who succeeded Schlesinger as director of Central Intelligence, quietly briefed House and Senate overseers on the contents of the report, which became known in the agency as "the family jewels." The substance of the briefing did not surface publicly for two years, but it eventually did become known through a combination of press accounts, a presidential commission and congressional committees bent on public disclosure. Ultimately, the result was creation of permanent House and Senate oversight committees to monitor the CIA and all other U.S. intelligence agencies. In 1976 Mr. Helms returned from Tehran, retired from government service and became an international consultant. In 1939 Mr. Helms married Julia Bretzman Shields of Indianapolis. They separated in 1967 and divorced in 1968. They had one son, Dennis. In 1968 he married Cynthia McKelvie. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- October 24, 2002 Richard Helms, Ex-C.I.A. Chief, Dies at 89 Mr. Helms (left) in 1966 and (right) in 1973 with President Richard Nixon Richard Helms, a former Director of Central Intelligence who defiantly guarded some of the darkest secrets of the cold war, died of multiple myeloma today. He was 89. An urbane and dashing spymaster, Mr. Helms began his career with a reputation as a truth teller and became a favorite of lawmakers in the late 1960's and early 70's. But he eventually ran afoul of Congressional investigators who found that he had lied or withheld information about the United States role in assassination attempts in Cuba, anti-government activities in Chile and the illegal surveillance of journalists in the United States. Mr. Helms pleaded no contest in 1977 to two misdemeanor counts of failing to testify fully four years earlier to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. His conviction, which resulted in a suspended sentence and a $2,000 fine, became a rallying point for critics of the Central Intelligence, Agency who accused it of dirty tricks, as well as for the agency's defenders, who hailed Mr. Helms for refusing to compromise sensitive information. In the title of his 1979 biography of Mr. Helms, Thomas Powers called him "The Man Who Kept the Secrets" (Pocket Books). Mr. Helms's memoir, "A Look Over My Shoulder: a Life in the C.I.A.," is to be released in the spring by Random House. After he left the C.I.A. in 1973, Mr. Helms served until 1977 as the American ambassador to Iran, whose ruler, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, was supported by the United States. He later became an international consultant, specializing in trade with the Middle East. Born on March 30, 1913, in St. Davids, Pa., Richard McGarrah Helms - he avoided using the middle name - was the son of an Alcoa executive and grandson of a leading international banker, Gates McGarrah. He grew up in South Orange, N.J., and studied for two years during high school in Switzerland, where he became fluent in French and German. At Williams College, Mr. Helms excelled as a student and a leader. He was class president, editor of the school newspaper and the yearbook, and was president of the senior honor society. He fancied a career in journalism, and went to Europe as a reporter for United Press. His biggest scoop, he said, was an exclusive interview with Hitler. In 1939 he married Julia Bretzman Shields, and they had a son, Dennis, a lawyer in Princeton, N.J. The couple were divorced in 1968, and Mr. Helms married Cynthia McKelvie later that year. She and his son survive him. When World War II broke out, Mr. Helms was called into service by the Naval Reserve and because of his linguistic abilities was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor to the C.I.A. He worked in New York plotting the positions of German submarines in the western Atlantic. From the beginning, he worked in the C.I.A.'s covert operations, or "plans" division, and by the early 1950's he was serving as deputy to the head of clandestine services, Frank Wisner. In that capacity, in 1955, Mr. Helms impressed his superiors by supervising the secret digging of a 500-yard tunnel from West Berlin to East Berlin to tap the main Soviet telephone lines between Moscow and East Berlin. For more than 11 months, until the tunnel was detected by the Soviet Union, the C.I.A. was able to eavesdrop on Moscow's conversations with its agents in the puppet governments of East Germany and Poland. Over the next 20 years, Mr. Helms rose through the agency's ranks, and in 1966 he came the first career official to head the C.I.A. He served under such men as Allen W. Dulles, Richard M. Bissell, John A. McCone and Vice Adm. William F. Raborn. During most of his tenure as C.I.A. chief, Mr. Helms received favorable attention from lawmakers and the press, who remarked on his professionalism, candor, and even his dark good looks. That reputation grew after 1973, when Mr. Helms clashed with President Richard M. Nixon, who sought his help in thwarting an F.B.I. investigation into the Watergate break-in. When Mr. Helms refused, Mr. Powers wrote, Mr. Nixon forced him out and sent him to Iran as ambassador. But Mr. Helms soon found himself called to account for his own actions when the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence delved into the agency's efforts to assassinate world leaders or destabilize socialist governments. The committee, which was led by Senator Frank Church, Democrat of Idaho, accused Mr. Helms of failing to inform his own superiors of efforts to kill the Cuban leader Fidel Castro, which the Senate panel called "a grave error in judgment." A separate inquiry by the Rockefeller Commission also faulted Mr. Helms for poor judgment for destroying documents and tape recordings that might have assisted Watergate investigators. But the most contentious criticism of Mr. Helms centered on Chile. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Helms insisted that the C.I.A. had never tried to overthrow the government of President Salvador Allende Gossens or funneled money to political enemies of Mr. Allende, a Marxist. Senate investigators later discovered that the C.I.A. had run a major secret operation in Chile that gave more than $8 million to the opponents of Mr. Allende, using the International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation as a conduit. Mr. Allende was killed in a 1973 military coup, which was followed by more than 16 years of military dictatorship. In 1977, Mr. Helms stepped down as ambassador to Iran and returned to Washington to plead no contest to charges that in 1973 he had lied to a Congressional committee about the intelligence agency's role in bringing down the Allende government. "I had found myself in a position of conflict," he told a federal judge at the formal proceeding after entering a plea agreement with the Justice Department. "I had sworn my oath to protect certain secrets. I didn't want to lie. I didn't want to mislead the Senate. I was simply trying to find my way through a difficult situation in which I found myself." The judge responded, "You now stand before this court in disgrace and shame," and sentenced him to two years in prison and a $2,000 fine. The prison term was suspended. Mr. Helms said outside the courtroom that he wore his conviction "like a badge of honor," and added: "I don't feel disgraced at all. I think if I had done anything else I would have been disgraced." Later that day he went to a reunion of former C.I.A. colleagues, who gave him a standing, cheering ovation, then passed the hat and raised the $2,000 for his fine. For a man who considered himself a genuine patriot, it was a bleak note on which to end his professional career. Mr. Helms believed he had performed well in a job that, although many Americans considered it sinister and undemocratic, was nevertheless a cold-blooded necessity in an era of cold war. Mr. Helms, who was allowed to receive his government pension, put his intelligence experience to use after his retirement. He became a consultant to businesses that made investments in other countries. He was known as a charming conversationalist, a gregarious partygoer and an accomplished dancer, and he and his wife continued to be familiar figures on the capital party scene. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 23 October 2002 STATEMENT BY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE GEORGE J. TENET ON THE DEATH OF AMBASSADOR RICHARD MCGARRAH HELMS With the deepest sadness, I have learned of the death of Ambassador Richard Helms. My thoughts and prayers are with his family at this time of grief. The United States has lost a great patriot. The men and women of American intelligence have lost a great teacher and a true friend. His service to country spanned more than half a century. But his career and contributions are not simply measured in history, they changed it. As a young Naval officer in the Second World War, Richard Helms found his place in American espionage. From that moment on, in posts of increasing responsibility, in times of conflict and in peace, he shaped the intelligence effort that has helped keep our country strong and free. As Director of Central Intelligence for almost seven years, he steered a bold and daring course, one that rewarded both rigor and risk. Clear in thought, elegant in style, he represents to me the best of his generation and profession. To the very end of his life, Ambassador Helms shared his time and wisdom with those who followed him in the calling of intelligence in defense of liberty. His enthusiasm for this vital work, and his concern for those who conduct it, never faltered. I will miss his priceless counsel and his warm friendship. But the name and example of Richard Helms will be treasured forever by all who work for the safety and security of the United States. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- HONORABLE RICHARD M. HELMS (Age 89) On Wednesday, October 23, 2002. Dear husband and friend of Cynthia R. Helms at his residence in Washington, DC. Father of Dennis and grandfather of Julia and Alexander; brother of Betty Helms Hawn, Pearsael Helms and Gates Helm; stepfather of Didi Anderson, Jill McKelvie Neilsen, Roderick McKelvie, Allan McKelvie and Linsday McKelvie Eakin and step-grandfather of 15. Service and burial at Arlington Cemetery mid-November, date and time to be announced. In lieu of flowers, donations may be made to CIA Memorial Foundation, created to provide benefits to the families of agents of the CIA killed in the line of duty, c/o Jeffrey H. Smith, Esq., Arnold & Porter, 555 12th Street, NW, Washington, DC or Community Hospices, Hospice of Washington, 4200 Wisconsin Ave, NW, Washington, DC 20016. Richard McGarrah Helms Lieutenant, United States Navy Director, Central Intelligence Agency Courtesy of the New York Times May 4, 2003 'A Look Over My Shoulder': Secrets of the Spymaster By JOSEPH E. PERSICO A LOOK OVER MY SHOULDER A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency. By Richard Helms with William Hood. Illustrated. 478 pp. New York: Random House. $35. Has Richard Helms, the famously closemouthed director of central intelligence -- called ''the man who kept the secrets'' in the apt title of Thomas Powers's biography -- finally decided to spill all? Almost, but selectively, judiciously and, it turns out, posthumously (he died last year). One of Helms's best-kept secrets is that he was writing this autobiography, with his C.I.A. colleague William Hood, after fending off writers who had tried unsuccessfully for years to pry loose his story. Helms finally broke his silence, he tells us in ''A Look Over My Shoulder,'' because the end of the cold war freed him from his self-imposed omerta. In his six and a half years leading the C.I.A., he became the very model of a modern major spymaster -- urbane, impeccably attired, affable yet impenetrable, a man who could charm and chill in the same one-minute cycle. His early life reads like a pre-spook course: born on Philadelphia's Main Line, educated at the same Swiss prep school attended by the future shah of Iran, early fluency in French and German, a magna cum laude scholar at Williams College, a first job as a reporter in prewar Europe, during which time, at the age of 23, he had an interview with Hitler. Helms was briefly diverted from his true path by a desire to make money, and thus became an unlikely advertising salesman for The Indianapolis Times. World War II got him back on track. Helms went into the Navy and then into the Office of Strategic Services, parent of today's Central Intelligence Agency. When the war ended, ''I was hooked on intelligence,'' Helms confesses. He was present at the creation and never left, pursuing a 30-year career that culminated in his rise to director of central intelligence from 1966 to 1973. The reader is irresistibly drawn first to the two most incendiary events in that career, Watergate and Chile, the high and low, as it were. President Nixon's attempt to insulate his administration from Watergate by enmeshing the C.I.A. was brazen even by Nixonian standards. First, Nixon's strong-arm man, H. R. Haldeman, threatened that any C.I.A. investigation of Watergate would expose sensitive agency operations, particularly the Bay of Pigs fiasco in Cuba of 11 years before. Helms responded, ''The Bay of Pigs hasn't got a damned thing to do with this.'' More brazen still, Nixon had his counsel, John Dean, order the C.I.A. to come up with bail money to spring the jailed Watergate burglars. Helms writes, ''I had no intention of supplying any such money, or of asking Congress for permission to dip into funds earmarked for secret intelligence purposes to provide bail for a band of political bunglers.'' Nixon backed down. Three cheers for Helms this time. However, on the Chilean affair, Helms emerges as rather less sterling. He states at first that C.I.A. secret operations in Chile were designed solely ''to preserve the democratic constitutional system.'' Yet in 1970, when the leftist candidate, Salvador Allende, was democratically elected president, Nixon ordered Helms to do whatever it took, with a free hand to spend $10 million, to see that Allende never took office. Nixon warned Helms to reveal nothing of this plotting even to the secretary of state, secretary of defense or United States ambassador to Chile. This time Helms knuckled under to presidential pressure, which was eventually to produce the great trauma of his career. In February 1973, seven months before Allende was overthrown by a right-wing coup in which he died, Helms testified under oath before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the C.I.A. had never aided Allende's opponents. Soon after, he testified before a Senate subcommittee headed by Senator Frank Church that the C.I.A. had had no dealings with the Chilean military. These untruths would lead, in 1977, to Helms's plea of no contest on two misdemeanor counts, resulting in a fine of $2,000 and a two-year suspended prison sentence. Helms's willingness to take the heat reflects a core difference between the ordinary American's conception of citizenship and the culture inculcated by the C.I.A. Helms had long ago sworn to keep the agency's secrets. He had also sworn before the Senate committees to tell the truth. To Helms, exposing sources and methods to headline-hunting senators ranked well below his vow to keep secrets upon which, in his judgment, the security of the nation hung. Helms claimed to wear his conviction for misleading Congress like a badge of honor. The intelligence fraternity concurred, giving him a standing ovation at a lunch after the trial and passing the hat to cover his fine. Tales of derring-do enliven Helms's readable story throughout, but its real significance is likely to surprise spy-thriller aficionados and conspiracy theorists: the C.I.A. is, first and foremost, simply a government agency. No differently than the Department of Agriculture, it executes White House policy. Helms's professional life is essentially the story of undercover operations ordered by presidents. Standout examples: Eisenhower's decisions to topple Prime Ministers Patrice Lumumba in Congo and Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran, President Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala and Fidel Castro in Cuba (continued by Kennedy), and Nixon's clandestine war against Allende. In the 1960's, at the peak of racial upheaval and demonstrations against the Vietnam War, President Johnson ordered Helms ''to track down the foreign Communists who are behind this intolerable interference in our domestic affairs.'' This demand led Helms to start up a covert snooping operation that he admits involved ''a violation of our charter'' not to spy on Americans at home. On the big stuff, Helms makes a convincing case that rather than being a ''rogue elephant,'' an ''invisible government'' as often charged, the C.I.A. is a president's political weapon of last resort, the keeper of the bag of dirty tricks. If agency acts appear roguish, Helms says, it is when government policy is roguish. He describes the dilemma when a president orders his intelligence chief to step out of bounds: ''What is the D.C.I. to do? . . . Has he the authority to refuse to accept a questionable order on a foreign policy question of obvious national importance?'' At this point, the spy chief's choices are to sign on or resign. Helms offers telling instances of the uselessness of even the keenest intelligence if its message is unwelcome at the top. In analyzing the domino theory, which held that if Vietnam fell, the whole non-Communist world would teeter, Helms sent Johnson a secret assessment that concluded, ''The net effects would probably not be permanently damaging to this country's ability to play its role as a world power.'' Johnson ignored the report's existence and pressed on with the war. During the cold war debate over the Soviet Union's capacity to deliver a first-strike knockout punch to the United States, the C.I.A. found that the Kremlin had neither the intention nor the weaponry to do so. The Nixon administration told Helms, in effect, to get on the team or shut up. Dick Helms remained throughout his career a thoroughgoing company man, albeit with spine-tingling job descriptions. His loyalty to old C.I.A. hands could be uncritical. The most egregious example involved his counterintelligence chief, James Jesus Angleton. The paranoid Angleton practically paralyzed the C.I.A.'s Soviet division by a long, fruitless hunt for a mole inside the agency. Over a hundred loyal officers fell under investigation; some were forced to resign. In implementing the dismissals, Helms says, ''I had no choice but to accept a decision that in effect said each was innocent, but that the innocence could not be proved.'' In this post-9/11 age of anxiety one looks for lessons in the life of a man who spent his career in the intelligence end of national security. The lesson here is how totally changed the present amorphous threats are from the comparatively clear-cut cold war battles Helms fought for a generation. By the time he died at the age of 89, with those battles long behind him, Helms's blemishes had been washed away. In 1983 President Reagan awarded him the National Security Medal. Upon his death he was buried with full honors in Arlington National Cemetery. Whether one likes or loathes the furtive world in which Helms lived, whether one sees him as a patriot or compliant careerist, this surprise autobiography provides an unsurpassed insider look into how American intelligence actually operates. It's a view offering more than enough ammunition for admirers and antagonists alike. Joseph E. Persico's latest book is ''Roosevelt's Secret War: FDR and World War II Espionage.'' -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Reviewed by James Bamford Sunday, April 27, 2003 A LOOK OVER MY SHOULDER A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency By Richard Helms with William Hood Random House. 478 pp. $35 Richard Helms was back among friends. On a crisp and tranquil late November morning, tinged with the musty scent of dried leaves and old bark, the man who was arguably America's most famous spy since Nathan Hale descended into eternal darkness. Buried with him, beneath a gently sloping hill at Arlington National Cemetery, was a lifetime of mystery, secrets and controversy. Nearby, sharing the same hallowed ground, were the graves of his old friend Frank Wisner, a specialist in covert action, and General Walter Bedell Smith, a mentor and fellow former director of the Central Intelligence Agency. But before he made his final exit last year at the age of 89, Helms left behind a packet of long-held secrets, like a spy loading a dead drop and then disappearing into the cold. They are contained not in a moldy tree trunk but in his posthumous autobiography, A Look Over My Shoulder. Over the years, I occasionally shared a meal with the legendary spymaster at one of his favorite haunts, Washington's Sulgrave Club, where his wife, Cynthia, was a member. Tall and lanky, with thin lips pursed together as if sealed with a zipper, he once told me that he had always vowed never to write about his life in the shadows. He even refused to read books he perceived as biased against him or the agency, such as Thomas Powers's well-received The Man Who Kept the Secrets, published in 1979. Then, while on vacation once during the mid-1990s, he brought along Powers's book and finally began turning the pages. Pleasantly surprised by the author's accuracy and fairness, he gradually made the decision to at last unseal a bit of his cipher-locked past. It is too bad he did not make the decision much earlier, when many of the words, the events, the emotions, the colors and the details would still have been fresh in his mind. Writing at such a long remove in time is a little like looking through the wrong end of a telescope. Compounding his difficulty was the lack of access to still-classified documents and a rigid agency review process. The result is a book with too much flat history and too few new insights and revelations. Nevertheless, the opportunity to at last see much of the 20th century through Helms's probing eyes is well worth the price. While offering few new details in recounting some of the major events of his long tenure at the CIA -- he saw no indications of conspiracy during the Kennedy assassination, for example -- Helms sometimes does come up with surprises. One involves the deadly Israeli attack on the American electronic surveillance ship USS Liberty during the Six Day War in 1967. Thirty-four American sailors were killed, and 171 were wounded in the incident. Although at the time Israel claimed it was a mistake, and an "interim" CIA intelligence memorandum agreed, that view later changed. "I had no role in the board of inquiry that followed," Helms writes, "or the board's finding that there could be no doubt that the Israelis knew exactly what they were doing in attacking the Liberty. I have yet to understand why it was felt necessary to attack this ship or who ordered the attack." This is consistent with the views of some members of the administration at the time, including Secretary of State Dean Rusk and the director and deputy directors of the National Security Agency, which was in charge of the ship. Overshadowing all else during Helms's years as director were the Vietnam War and the domestic protests it spawned. Among the operations Helms was most proud of was the CIA's very secret paramilitary role in Laos, attempting to resist a government takeover by communist forces. Until America pulled out of Vietnam, the operation succeeded in fighting back the guerrillas and largely maintaining the status quo. "We had fulfilled our mission and we remain proud of it," he writes. "We had won the war!" Vietnam, however, was a different story. But it was the war at home that long haunted Helms. "Nothing in my thirty-year service brought me more criticism," he wrote, "than my response to President Johnson's insistence that the Agency supply him proof that foreign agents and funds were at the root of the racial and political unrest that took fire in the summer of 1967." The agency's response was given the apt cryptonym CHAOS. "CHAOS," he admits, "was my responsibility." In the process of giving Johnson the answer he was not expecting -- there was "no trace" of foreign involvement -- the agency for the first time began secretly treading on domestic soil, "a violation of our charter," Helms confesses. If Helms is remembered for the controversy of CHAOS, he should also be remembered for the courage of standing up to President Nixon's attempt to tar the CIA with the brush of Watergate. Shortly after the break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters and the arrest of those involved, Nixon had his White House lawyer, John Dean, put pressure on Helms's deputy, Vernon Walters. "Dean had one request," Helms writes. "The White House wanted money from CIA to make bail for the burglars." Helms refused, telling Walters, "There was no way that the [CIA] could furnish secret funds to the Watergate crowd without permanently damaging and perhaps even destroying the Agency." Five months later, Helms got the boot. If Helms thought that he was finally out of harm's way once he turned in his cloak and dagger, he couldn't have been more mistaken. Nominated to become ambassador to Iran, he was called before an open Senate committee for confirmation and was asked whether the CIA played a role in a coup in Chile that brought down the government of Salvador Allende. Rather than tell the truth and expose the CIA's involvement or ask to answer the question in closed session, Helms simply lied and said no. Years later the answer came back to haunt him. He was charged with failing to testify "fully and completely" before the committee and pleaded no contest. Following a sharp tongue-lashing by the judge, who told Helms he stood before the court "in disgrace and shame," he was sentenced to two years in prison and a $2,000 fine. The judge then suspended the jail time. Helms turned ashen. But upon leaving the courthouse he claimed that the conviction represented a "badge of honor" for having lied to protect an agency operation. Six years later, he received the National Security Medal, the highest award in the intelligence community, from President Ronald Reagan for "exceptional meritorious service." As the horse-drawn caisson waited to carry Richard Helms to his final resting place on that chilly fall morning, the man who must now keep the secrets paid tribute. "Wherever American intelligence officers strive to defend and extend freedom," said George Tenet, the director of Central Intelligence, "Richard Helms will be there." . James Bamford is the author, most recently, of "Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency." -------------------------------------------------------------------------- From contemporary press reports: 20 November 2002: Buried with military honors, former CIA Director Richard Helms was remembered on Wednesday as a man "who knew the value of a stolen secret" and became one of the great heroes of America's clandestine intelligence operations. "In Richard Helms, intelligence in service to liberty found an unsurpassed champion," said George Tenet, the CIA's current director. Helms, who died at 89 on October 23, 2002, began his intelligence career during World War II and rose through the ranks during the Cold War. He served as CIA director for six years before President Nixon fired him for refusing to block an FBI probe into the 1972 Watergate break in. He was buried at Arlington National Cemetery before a large group of mourners that included members of the intelligence and defense establishments of several presidential administrations. At a memorial service at Fort Myer, Virginia, following Helms' burial, Tenet called Helms "one of our greatest heroes." "He came to know, as few others ever would, the value of a stolen secret, and the advantage that comes to our democracy from the fullest possible knowledge of those abroad determined to destroy it," Tenet said. Beginning in the 1930s as an enterprising reporter for United Press, for whom he interviewed Adolf Hitler, Helms found his way to wartime service with the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. intelligence agency that was the forerunner of the CIA. At the OSS, Tenet said, "Richard Helms found the calling of his lifetime." "In its Secret Intelligence Branch, he mastered the delicate, demanding craft of agent operations," Tenet said. "He excelled at both the meticulous planning and the bold vision and action that were - and remain today __ the heart of our work to obtain information critical to the safety and security of the United States __ information that can be gained only through stealth and courage." Tenet called Helms' later CIA career "the stuff of legend," praising his "sound operational judgment, his complete command of facts (and) his reputation as the best drafter of cables anywhere ..." "In an organization where risk and pressure are as common as a cup of coffee, he was unflappable," Tenet said. Tenet said Helms' legacy is the American intelligence agents he taught and who carry on in his place. Helms himself addressed the profession of an intelligence officer in a 1996 speech quoted in the program for his memorial service. "Military conflicts and terrorist attacks have not gone out of style," he said then. "An alert intelligence community is our first, best line of defense. Service there is its own reward. A military honor guard escorts the horse-drawn carriage carrying the remains of former CIA Director Richard Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va. Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. A U.S. Navy honor guard prepares to remove the cremated remains of former CIA Director Richard Helms from a ceremonial flag-draped casket on a caisson at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Virginia November 20, 2002. Members of a naval honor guard carry a flag and a box containing the ashes of former CIA Director Richard Helms during ceremonies at Arlington National Cemetery CIA Director George Tenet, right, awaits the flag that draped the casket of former CIA Director Richard Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va. Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. Helms, the spymaster who led the CIA through some of its most difficult years and was later fired by President Nixon when he refused to block an FBI probe into the Watergate scandal, died last month. Afterward, Tenet presented the flag to Helms' widow. Family members of former CIA Director Richard Helms hold the flag that draped his casket during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery , Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. Cynthia Helms, widow of former CIA Director Richard Helms, pauses over a container with the remains of Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Former CIA Director Helms Dead at 89 Wed Oct 23, 2002 7:17 PM ET Former CIA Director Richard Helms, who led the spy agency during the height of the Vietnam War and resisted attempts by President Richard Nixon to involve the CIA in Watergate, has died. He was 89. Helms was in declining health and died at his home on Tuesday (22 October 2002). The cause of death was not immediately available. "The men and women of American intelligence have lost a great teacher and a true friend," CIA Director George Tenet said in a statement on Wednesday. He ordered flags at the agency's headquarters in Virginia flown at half-staff. "As director of central intelligence for almost seven years, he steered a bold and daring course, one that rewarded both rigor and risk," Tenet said. Helms led the spy agency from June 1966 to February 1973 during one of the most contentious periods of American history with both the Vietnam War and Watergate. He was the first career CIA officer to reach the agency's top position. Helms was first appointed by President Lyndon Johnson and in 1969 was reappointed by Nixon. After the controversial break-in at Democratic headquarters at the Watergate Hotel in 1972, Helms resisted attempts by Nixon to involve the CIA in the ensuing cover-up, which ultimately brought down his presidency. The CIA chief was not reappointed to his post. Helms' name also emerged in the guessing game of who was "Deep Throat," the confidential source that helped Washington Post reporters break open the Watergate scandal. After leaving the CIA, Helms went on to become U.S. ambassador to Iran from March 1973 to January 1977. In 1977, he was charged with perjury for denying the CIA had tried to overthrow the government in Chile in testimony to Congress. Helms was given a suspended jail sentence. 'PAINFUL PERIOD' "I think he remembered that as a painful period in his life. Dick always believed that he was seeking a higher good there in protecting the sources who had worked with the agency at risk to themselves and our own people in the field," said John Gannon, former National Intelligence Council chairman and friend of Helms. "History will judge his performance there." A CIA report released two years ago said in September 1970 Nixon told Helms that a Salvador Allende regime in Chile would not be acceptable and authorized $10 million for the CIA to prevent him from reaching power. Allende was elected, so then the CIA was directed to instigate a coup but those efforts also failed. Three years later in September 1973, a bloody coup put Gen. Augusto Pinochet in power and Allende killed himself. The CIA has maintained it did not instigate that coup. Helms worked for years in the CIA's clandestine service which conducts covert operations and became deputy director for plans in 1962. During that time, the CIA tried unsuccessfully to remove President Fidel Castro from power in Cuba. Helms, a private consultant since 1977, remained a helping hand of experience to the CIA, Gannon said. "He was almost a folk hero at CIA because he actively worked to stay engaged and to be useful and helpful to people in the agency," he said. Helms had a quiet, reserved manner that could intimidate subordinates and was known as a dapper dresser. "Dick was a man you had to work to get to know. He had a certain reserve about him and he had a patrician air," Gannon said. "But if you cut through that and got to know Dick he was an extremely warm man with a really great capacity for friendship," he said. Helms started out as a journalist for the predecessor to United Press International in Europe, covered the 1936 Olympic games in Berlin and interviewed German leader Adolf Hitler. He joined the Navy in 1942 and was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the predecessor to the CIA. He worked in Washington, London, Paris and Luxembourg, running espionage operations against Germany. Helms will be buried at Arlington National Cemetery on November 20, 2002. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Richard M. Helms, 89, the quintessential intelligence and espionage officer who joined the Central Intelligence Agency at its founding in 1947 and rose through the ranks to lead it for more than six years, died Tuesday night (23 October 2002) at his home, the CIA announced today. No immediate cause of death was reported. Mr. Helms was the first career intelligence professional to serve as the nation's top spymaster, and he was among the last of the remaining survivors of the CIA's organizing cadre, operatives who earned their espionage stripes as young men during World War II. His years at the agency covered a period in which CIA service was widely honored as a noble and romantic calling in the Cold War against the Soviet Union. But much of this mystique had dissolved in the national malaise that accompanied the war in Vietnam and the Watergate scandal. At his retirement in 1973, Mr. Helms left an organization viewed with suspicion by many and about to undergo intense scrutiny from an unfriendly Congress for activities ranging from assassination plots against foreign leaders to spying on U.S. citizens. As a veteran of the craft of espionage, he had always followed a code that stressed maximum trust and loyalty to his agency and colleagues; maximum silence where outsiders were concerned. "The Man Who Kept the Secrets," was the title chosen by author Thomas Powers for his biography of Mr. Helms. In the judgment of Richard Helms, the CIA worked only for the president. He did not welcome congressional inquiry or oversight. In 1977 he pleaded no contest in a federal court to charges of failing to testify fully before Congress about the CIA role in the covert supply of money to Chilean anti Marxists in 1970 in an effort to influence a presidential election. "I found myself in a position of conflict," Mr. Helms said. "I had sworn my oath to protect certain secrets." He received a suspended two-year prison sentence and a $2,000 fine, which was paid in full by retired CIA agents. Six years later at a White House ceremony, Mr. Helms received the National Security Medal from President Reagan for "exceptionally meritorious service." He said he considered this award "an exoneration." His career at the CIA covered periods of searching for communists in the U.S. government and the Red Scare tactics of Sen. Joseph R. McCarthy (R-Wis.); the ill-fated CIA-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, and plots against Cuban dictator Fidel Castro. It included the rending of the American social fabric and the antiwar protests of the Vietnam era, and it ended during the the Watergate crisis that ultimately ended the presidency of Richard M. Nixon. On leaving the CIA, Mr. Helms served three years as ambassador to Iran, then in 1976 ended his government service. As one of its ranking officers for most of the CIA's first 25 years, Mr. Helms helped form and shape the agency, and he recruited, trained, assigned and supervised many of its top agents. During the 1950s and early 1960s he held high positions in the division responsible for clandestine operations. " . . . He was a kind of middle man between the field and Washington policymakers, approving and even choosing the wording of cables to the field describing 'requirements'; and passing on concrete proposals for operations from the local CIA stations," Powers wrote in his biography of Mr. Helms. By 1958 he was second in command of covert operations when he was passed over for the directorship of that activity in favor of Richard M. Bissell Jr., who in 1961 would plan and direct the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion of Fidel Castro's Cuba. In this operation, a force of 1,200 CIA trained and equipped Cuban exiles attempted to retake the island from Castro, but the effort failed and most of the invaders were killed or captured. Mr. Helms, who by nature had been cool and skeptical toward covert operations on such a large scale, had kept his distance from the Bay of Pigs. But the fiasco proved to be Bissell's undoing and he retired amid the political fallout that followed. Mr. Helms replaced him in 1962, winning at last the position that had eluded him four years earlier. He became the CIA's deputy director for plans, the innocuous sounding title of covert action chief. With his new assignment he inherited a pressure campaign from the White House to get rid of Castro by other means. During the next several months the agency would contemplate schemes for Castro's overthrow or assassination, but none ever materialized. In 1965 Mr. Helms was named to the number two job at the agency, deputy director of Central Intelligence. Retiring CIA chief John A. McCone had campaigned to have Mr. Helms succeed him, but President Lyndon B. Johnson instead chose Navy Vice Adm. William F. Raborn, who lasted only 14 months in the job. In 1966 the president named Mr. Helms CIA director. He would serve longer as Director of Central Intelligence than anyone except Allen Dulles, the legendary spymaster who led the CIA from 1953 to 1961. As America's top spymaster, Powers wrote in his biography, Mr. Helms "is remembered as an administrator, impatient with delay, excuses, self-seeking, the sour air of office politics. Asked for an example of Helms' characteristic utterance, three of his old friends came up with the same dry phrase, 'Let's get on with it.' . . . Helm's style was cool by choice and temperment; his instinct was to soften differences, to find a middle ground, to tone down operations that were getting out of hand, to give faltering projects one more chance rather than shut them down altogether, to settle for compromise in the interests of bureaucratic peace." He tended to work regular hours, 8:30 a.m. to 6:30 p.m., and his desk was always cleared when he left the office at night. Mr. Helms kept a low public profile as CIA director, and he avoided publicity. But he lunched occasionally with influential figures in the media, and he was assiduous in cultivating the congressional support he needed to manage his agency. He made only one public speech during his years as CIA leader, telling the nation's newspaper editors that "the nation must, to a degree, take it on faith that we, too, are honorable men, devoted to her service." Richard McGarrah Helms was born in St. Davids, Pa., to a family of financial means. His father was an Alcoa executive and his maternal grandfather a leading international banker. He grew up in South Orange, N.J., and attended high school in Switzerland for two years. While there he became proficient in French and German. In 1935 he graduated Phi Beta Kappa from Williams College, where in his senior year he was president of his class, editor of the campus newspaper and the yearbook and president of the honor society. His life's ambition on leaving college was to own and operate a daily newspaper. In pursuit of that goal he paid his own fare to London where he became a European reporter for United Press. His assignments included coverage of the 1936 Olympic Games in Berlin. The following year he was one of a group of foreign correspondents to interview Adolf Hitler. Shortly thereafter he returned to the United States and took a job with the Indianapolis Times newspaper, where by 1939 he had become national advertising director. With the entry of the United States into World War II he joined the Navy, and in 1943 was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. wartime espionage agency that antedated the CIA. There he had desk jobs in New York and Washington and later in London. At the end of the war he was posted in Berlin, where he worked for Allen Dulles. Discharged from military service in 1946, he continued doing intelligence work as a civilian. When the U.S. wartime intelligence forces merged into the CIA in 1947, Mr. Helms became one of the architects of the new organization. During the 1950s, Dulles gave him special assignments from time to time. At the height of Sen. McCarthy's fervid hunts for communists inside the government, Mr. Helms headed a CIA committee to protect the agency against McCarthy's efforts to infiltrate the CIA with his own informers. The committee's job was to monitor reports of covert approaches to CIA officers by McCarthy agents and to plug any leaks. During the years there would be more assignments with domestic political implications. Early in Mr. Helms' directorship, as the war in Vietnam and the antiwar protests were both escalating, Johnson asked the CIA to determine whether antiwar activity in the United States was being financially or otherwise backed by foreign countries. In response to this request, the agency in 1967 launched a domestic surveillance program known as "Operation Chaos," which became the focus of intense controversy when it was disclosed publicly by The New York Times in 1975. With the election of Richard Nixon as president in 1968, White House involvement with the CIA only intensified. Even before the 1972 Watergate break-in at Democratic National Committee headquarters that led to Nixon's downfall, the White House had demanded and received CIA files on agency plots to assassinate foreign leaders during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. These included Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo. But the relationship between Mr. Helms and Nixon was never smooth, and in November of 1972, shortly after he had been elected to his second term, the president summoned his CIA chief to a meeting at Camp David and asked him to resign. Nixon's reasons were never made public, but Power said in his biography that Mr. Helms was convinced "that Nixon fired him for one reason only - because he had refused wholeheartedly to join the Watergate cover-up." At the Camp David meeting, the president had asked Mr. Helms if he'd like to be an ambassador, and the two men had agreed on Iran. But during his three years in Iran, Mr. Helms would make more than a dozen trips back to Washington to testify before Senate committees investigating CIA activities during his directorship. Links between unsavory Nixon White House activities and the CIA, including the agency's lending of disguises to Watergate conspirator E. Howard Hunt and the CIA backgrounds of many of the Watergate burglars prompted an internal examination ordered by Mr. Helm's successor at the agency, James R. Schlesinger. This resulted in a 693-page compendium of agency misdeeds, including assassination attempts, burglaries, electronic eavesdropping and LSD testing of persons without their knowledge. William R. Colby, who succeeded Schlesinger as director of Central Intelligence, quietly briefed House and Senate overseers on the contents of the report, which became known in the agency as "the family jewels." The substance of the briefing did not surface publicly for two years, but it eventually did become known through a combination of press accounts, a presidential commission and congressional committees bent on public disclosure. Ultimately, the result was creation of permanent House and Senate oversight committees to monitor the CIA and all other U.S. intelligence agencies. In 1976 Mr. Helms returned from Tehran, retired from government service and became an international consultant. In 1939 Mr. Helms married Julia Bretzman Shields of Indianapolis. They separated in 1967 and divorced in 1968. They had one son, Dennis. In 1968 he married Cynthia McKelvie. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- October 24, 2002 Richard Helms, Ex-C.I.A. Chief, Dies at 89 Mr. Helms (left) in 1966 and (right) in 1973 with President Richard Nixon Richard Helms, a former Director of Central Intelligence who defiantly guarded some of the darkest secrets of the cold war, died of multiple myeloma today. He was 89. An urbane and dashing spymaster, Mr. Helms began his career with a reputation as a truth teller and became a favorite of lawmakers in the late 1960's and early 70's. But he eventually ran afoul of Congressional investigators who found that he had lied or withheld information about the United States role in assassination attempts in Cuba, anti-government activities in Chile and the illegal surveillance of journalists in the United States. Mr. Helms pleaded no contest in 1977 to two misdemeanor counts of failing to testify fully four years earlier to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. His conviction, which resulted in a suspended sentence and a $2,000 fine, became a rallying point for critics of the Central Intelligence, Agency who accused it of dirty tricks, as well as for the agency's defenders, who hailed Mr. Helms for refusing to compromise sensitive information. In the title of his 1979 biography of Mr. Helms, Thomas Powers called him "The Man Who Kept the Secrets" (Pocket Books). Mr. Helms's memoir, "A Look Over My Shoulder: a Life in the C.I.A.," is to be released in the spring by Random House. After he left the C.I.A. in 1973, Mr. Helms served until 1977 as the American ambassador to Iran, whose ruler, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, was supported by the United States. He later became an international consultant, specializing in trade with the Middle East. Born on March 30, 1913, in St. Davids, Pa., Richard McGarrah Helms - he avoided using the middle name - was the son of an Alcoa executive and grandson of a leading international banker, Gates McGarrah. He grew up in South Orange, N.J., and studied for two years during high school in Switzerland, where he became fluent in French and German. At Williams College, Mr. Helms excelled as a student and a leader. He was class president, editor of the school newspaper and the yearbook, and was president of the senior honor society. He fancied a career in journalism, and went to Europe as a reporter for United Press. His biggest scoop, he said, was an exclusive interview with Hitler. In 1939 he married Julia Bretzman Shields, and they had a son, Dennis, a lawyer in Princeton, N.J. The couple were divorced in 1968, and Mr. Helms married Cynthia McKelvie later that year. She and his son survive him. When World War II broke out, Mr. Helms was called into service by the Naval Reserve and because of his linguistic abilities was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor to the C.I.A. He worked in New York plotting the positions of German submarines in the western Atlantic. From the beginning, he worked in the C.I.A.'s covert operations, or "plans" division, and by the early 1950's he was serving as deputy to the head of clandestine services, Frank Wisner. In that capacity, in 1955, Mr. Helms impressed his superiors by supervising the secret digging of a 500-yard tunnel from West Berlin to East Berlin to tap the main Soviet telephone lines between Moscow and East Berlin. For more than 11 months, until the tunnel was detected by the Soviet Union, the C.I.A. was able to eavesdrop on Moscow's conversations with its agents in the puppet governments of East Germany and Poland. Over the next 20 years, Mr. Helms rose through the agency's ranks, and in 1966 he came the first career official to head the C.I.A. He served under such men as Allen W. Dulles, Richard M. Bissell, John A. McCone and Vice Adm. William F. Raborn. During most of his tenure as C.I.A. chief, Mr. Helms received favorable attention from lawmakers and the press, who remarked on his professionalism, candor, and even his dark good looks. That reputation grew after 1973, when Mr. Helms clashed with President Richard M. Nixon, who sought his help in thwarting an F.B.I. investigation into the Watergate break-in. When Mr. Helms refused, Mr. Powers wrote, Mr. Nixon forced him out and sent him to Iran as ambassador. But Mr. Helms soon found himself called to account for his own actions when the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence delved into the agency's efforts to assassinate world leaders or destabilize socialist governments. The committee, which was led by Senator Frank Church, Democrat of Idaho, accused Mr. Helms of failing to inform his own superiors of efforts to kill the Cuban leader Fidel Castro, which the Senate panel called "a grave error in judgment." A separate inquiry by the Rockefeller Commission also faulted Mr. Helms for poor judgment for destroying documents and tape recordings that might have assisted Watergate investigators. But the most contentious criticism of Mr. Helms centered on Chile. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Helms insisted that the C.I.A. had never tried to overthrow the government of President Salvador Allende Gossens or funneled money to political enemies of Mr. Allende, a Marxist. Senate investigators later discovered that the C.I.A. had run a major secret operation in Chile that gave more than $8 million to the opponents of Mr. Allende, using the International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation as a conduit. Mr. Allende was killed in a 1973 military coup, which was followed by more than 16 years of military dictatorship. In 1977, Mr. Helms stepped down as ambassador to Iran and returned to Washington to plead no contest to charges that in 1973 he had lied to a Congressional committee about the intelligence agency's role in bringing down the Allende government. "I had found myself in a position of conflict," he told a federal judge at the formal proceeding after entering a plea agreement with the Justice Department. "I had sworn my oath to protect certain secrets. I didn't want to lie. I didn't want to mislead the Senate. I was simply trying to find my way through a difficult situation in which I found myself." The judge responded, "You now stand before this court in disgrace and shame," and sentenced him to two years in prison and a $2,000 fine. The prison term was suspended. Mr. Helms said outside the courtroom that he wore his conviction "like a badge of honor," and added: "I don't feel disgraced at all. I think if I had done anything else I would have been disgraced." Later that day he went to a reunion of former C.I.A. colleagues, who gave him a standing, cheering ovation, then passed the hat and raised the $2,000 for his fine. For a man who considered himself a genuine patriot, it was a bleak note on which to end his professional career. Mr. Helms believed he had performed well in a job that, although many Americans considered it sinister and undemocratic, was nevertheless a cold-blooded necessity in an era of cold war. Mr. Helms, who was allowed to receive his government pension, put his intelligence experience to use after his retirement. He became a consultant to businesses that made investments in other countries. He was known as a charming conversationalist, a gregarious partygoer and an accomplished dancer, and he and his wife continued to be familiar figures on the capital party scene. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 23 October 2002 STATEMENT BY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE GEORGE J. TENET ON THE DEATH OF AMBASSADOR RICHARD MCGARRAH HELMS With the deepest sadness, I have learned of the death of Ambassador Richard Helms. My thoughts and prayers are with his family at this time of grief. The United States has lost a great patriot. The men and women of American intelligence have lost a great teacher and a true friend. His service to country spanned more than half a century. But his career and contributions are not simply measured in history, they changed it. As a young Naval officer in the Second World War, Richard Helms found his place in American espionage. From that moment on, in posts of increasing responsibility, in times of conflict and in peace, he shaped the intelligence effort that has helped keep our country strong and free. As Director of Central Intelligence for almost seven years, he steered a bold and daring course, one that rewarded both rigor and risk. Clear in thought, elegant in style, he represents to me the best of his generation and profession. To the very end of his life, Ambassador Helms shared his time and wisdom with those who followed him in the calling of intelligence in defense of liberty. His enthusiasm for this vital work, and his concern for those who conduct it, never faltered. I will miss his priceless counsel and his warm friendship. But the name and example of Richard Helms will be treasured forever by all who work for the safety and security of the United States. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- HONORABLE RICHARD M. HELMS (Age 89) On Wednesday, October 23, 2002. Dear husband and friend of Cynthia R. Helms at his residence in Washington, DC. Father of Dennis and grandfather of Julia and Alexander; brother of Betty Helms Hawn, Pearsael Helms and Gates Helm; stepfather of Didi Anderson, Jill McKelvie Neilsen, Roderick McKelvie, Allan McKelvie and Linsday McKelvie Eakin and step-grandfather of 15. Service and burial at Arlington Cemetery mid-November, date and time to be announced. In lieu of flowers, donations may be made to CIA Memorial Foundation, created to provide benefits to the families of agents of the CIA killed in the line of duty, c/o Jeffrey H. 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Path: news2.east.cox.net!news1.east.cox.net!east.cox.net!peer01.cox.net!cox.net!cyclone1.gnilink.net!wn12feed!worldnet.att.net!204.127.198.203!attbi_feed3!attbi.com!rwcrnsc53.POSTED!not-for-mail From: "Dr. Truth" Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy.jfk References: <2b29c281.0306111543.30a30c06@posting.google.com> Subject: Re: Helms learns of the assassination Lines: 6455 X-Priority: 3 X-MSMail-Priority: Normal X-Newsreader: Microsoft Outlook Express 6.00.2800.1158 X-MimeOLE: Produced By Microsoft MimeOLE V6.00.2800.1165 Message-ID: NNTP-Posting-Host: 12.233.119.209 X-Complaints-To: abuse@attbi.com X-Trace: rwcrnsc53 1055376679 12.233.119.209 (Thu, 12 Jun 2003 00:11:19 GMT) NNTP-Posting-Date: Thu, 12 Jun 2003 00:11:19 GMT Organization: AT&T Broadband Date: Thu, 12 Jun 2003 00:11:19 GMT Xref: east.cox.net alt.conspiracy.jfk:265004 X-Received-Date: Wed, 11 Jun 2003 20:11:21 EDT (news2.east.cox.net) "Ed Dolan" <74030.3022@compuserve.com> wrote in message news:2b29c281.0306111543.30a30c06@posting.google.com... > "Dr. Truth" wrote in message news:... > > Pardon me, but is not Mr. Helms the gentleman that lied to the Senate > > Committee in the 1970s? > > And was caught? > No. I don't know where you get your information. He was not like Files. Gosh Ed - looks like I caught you lying again...I'm so sorry...but you old CIA agents are all alike....it's getting too easy to catch you in lies now... 1st of all: Files never appeared before a congressional committee and 2nd: Richard McGarrah Helms Lieutenant, United States Navy Director, Central Intelligence Agency Courtesy of the New York Times May 4, 2003 'A Look Over My Shoulder': Secrets of the Spymaster By JOSEPH E. PERSICO A LOOK OVER MY SHOULDER A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency. By Richard Helms with William Hood. Illustrated. 478 pp. New York: Random House. $35. Has Richard Helms, the famously closemouthed director of central intelligence -- called ''the man who kept the secrets'' in the apt title of Thomas Powers's biography -- finally decided to spill all? Almost, but selectively, judiciously and, it turns out, posthumously (he died last year). One of Helms's best-kept secrets is that he was writing this autobiography, with his C.I.A. colleague William Hood, after fending off writers who had tried unsuccessfully for years to pry loose his story. Helms finally broke his silence, he tells us in ''A Look Over My Shoulder,'' because the end of the cold war freed him from his self-imposed omerta. In his six and a half years leading the C.I.A., he became the very model of a modern major spymaster -- urbane, impeccably attired, affable yet impenetrable, a man who could charm and chill in the same one-minute cycle. His early life reads like a pre-spook course: born on Philadelphia's Main Line, educated at the same Swiss prep school attended by the future shah of Iran, early fluency in French and German, a magna cum laude scholar at Williams College, a first job as a reporter in prewar Europe, during which time, at the age of 23, he had an interview with Hitler. Helms was briefly diverted from his true path by a desire to make money, and thus became an unlikely advertising salesman for The Indianapolis Times. World War II got him back on track. Helms went into the Navy and then into the Office of Strategic Services, parent of today's Central Intelligence Agency. When the war ended, ''I was hooked on intelligence,'' Helms confesses. He was present at the creation and never left, pursuing a 30-year career that culminated in his rise to director of central intelligence from 1966 to 1973. The reader is irresistibly drawn first to the two most incendiary events in that career, Watergate and Chile, the high and low, as it were. President Nixon's attempt to insulate his administration from Watergate by enmeshing the C.I.A. was brazen even by Nixonian standards. First, Nixon's strong-arm man, H. R. Haldeman, threatened that any C.I.A. investigation of Watergate would expose sensitive agency operations, particularly the Bay of Pigs fiasco in Cuba of 11 years before. Helms responded, ''The Bay of Pigs hasn't got a damned thing to do with this.'' More brazen still, Nixon had his counsel, John Dean, order the C.I.A. to come up with bail money to spring the jailed Watergate burglars. Helms writes, ''I had no intention of supplying any such money, or of asking Congress for permission to dip into funds earmarked for secret intelligence purposes to provide bail for a band of political bunglers.'' Nixon backed down. Three cheers for Helms this time. However, on the Chilean affair, Helms emerges as rather less sterling. He states at first that C.I.A. secret operations in Chile were designed solely ''to preserve the democratic constitutional system.'' Yet in 1970, when the leftist candidate, Salvador Allende, was democratically elected president, Nixon ordered Helms to do whatever it took, with a free hand to spend $10 million, to see that Allende never took office. Nixon warned Helms to reveal nothing of this plotting even to the secretary of state, secretary of defense or United States ambassador to Chile. This time Helms knuckled under to presidential pressure, which was eventually to produce the great trauma of his career. In February 1973, seven months before Allende was overthrown by a right-wing coup in which he died, Helms testified under oath before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the C.I.A. had never aided Allende's opponents. Soon after, he testified before a Senate subcommittee headed by Senator Frank Church that the C.I.A. had had no dealings with the Chilean military. These untruths would lead, in 1977, to Helms's plea of no contest on two misdemeanor counts, resulting in a fine of $2,000 and a two-year suspended prison sentence. Helms's willingness to take the heat reflects a core difference between the ordinary American's conception of citizenship and the culture inculcated by the C.I.A. Helms had long ago sworn to keep the agency's secrets. He had also sworn before the Senate committees to tell the truth. To Helms, exposing sources and methods to headline-hunting senators ranked well below his vow to keep secrets upon which, in his judgment, the security of the nation hung. Helms claimed to wear his conviction for misleading Congress like a badge of honor. The intelligence fraternity concurred, giving him a standing ovation at a lunch after the trial and passing the hat to cover his fine. Tales of derring-do enliven Helms's readable story throughout, but its real significance is likely to surprise spy-thriller aficionados and conspiracy theorists: the C.I.A. is, first and foremost, simply a government agency. No differently than the Department of Agriculture, it executes White House policy. Helms's professional life is essentially the story of undercover operations ordered by presidents. Standout examples: Eisenhower's decisions to topple Prime Ministers Patrice Lumumba in Congo and Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran, President Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala and Fidel Castro in Cuba (continued by Kennedy), and Nixon's clandestine war against Allende. In the 1960's, at the peak of racial upheaval and demonstrations against the Vietnam War, President Johnson ordered Helms ''to track down the foreign Communists who are behind this intolerable interference in our domestic affairs.'' This demand led Helms to start up a covert snooping operation that he admits involved ''a violation of our charter'' not to spy on Americans at home. On the big stuff, Helms makes a convincing case that rather than being a ''rogue elephant,'' an ''invisible government'' as often charged, the C.I.A. is a president's political weapon of last resort, the keeper of the bag of dirty tricks. If agency acts appear roguish, Helms says, it is when government policy is roguish. He describes the dilemma when a president orders his intelligence chief to step out of bounds: ''What is the D.C.I. to do? . . . Has he the authority to refuse to accept a questionable order on a foreign policy question of obvious national importance?'' At this point, the spy chief's choices are to sign on or resign. Helms offers telling instances of the uselessness of even the keenest intelligence if its message is unwelcome at the top. In analyzing the domino theory, which held that if Vietnam fell, the whole non-Communist world would teeter, Helms sent Johnson a secret assessment that concluded, ''The net effects would probably not be permanently damaging to this country's ability to play its role as a world power.'' Johnson ignored the report's existence and pressed on with the war. During the cold war debate over the Soviet Union's capacity to deliver a first-strike knockout punch to the United States, the C.I.A. found that the Kremlin had neither the intention nor the weaponry to do so. The Nixon administration told Helms, in effect, to get on the team or shut up. Dick Helms remained throughout his career a thoroughgoing company man, albeit with spine-tingling job descriptions. His loyalty to old C.I.A. hands could be uncritical. The most egregious example involved his counterintelligence chief, James Jesus Angleton. The paranoid Angleton practically paralyzed the C.I.A.'s Soviet division by a long, fruitless hunt for a mole inside the agency. Over a hundred loyal officers fell under investigation; some were forced to resign. In implementing the dismissals, Helms says, ''I had no choice but to accept a decision that in effect said each was innocent, but that the innocence could not be proved.'' In this post-9/11 age of anxiety one looks for lessons in the life of a man who spent his career in the intelligence end of national security. The lesson here is how totally changed the present amorphous threats are from the comparatively clear-cut cold war battles Helms fought for a generation. By the time he died at the age of 89, with those battles long behind him, Helms's blemishes had been washed away. In 1983 President Reagan awarded him the National Security Medal. Upon his death he was buried with full honors in Arlington National Cemetery. Whether one likes or loathes the furtive world in which Helms lived, whether one sees him as a patriot or compliant careerist, this surprise autobiography provides an unsurpassed insider look into how American intelligence actually operates. It's a view offering more than enough ammunition for admirers and antagonists alike. Joseph E. Persico's latest book is ''Roosevelt's Secret War: FDR and World War II Espionage.'' -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Reviewed by James Bamford Sunday, April 27, 2003 A LOOK OVER MY SHOULDER A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency By Richard Helms with William Hood Random House. 478 pp. $35 Richard Helms was back among friends. On a crisp and tranquil late November morning, tinged with the musty scent of dried leaves and old bark, the man who was arguably America's most famous spy since Nathan Hale descended into eternal darkness. Buried with him, beneath a gently sloping hill at Arlington National Cemetery, was a lifetime of mystery, secrets and controversy. Nearby, sharing the same hallowed ground, were the graves of his old friend Frank Wisner, a specialist in covert action, and General Walter Bedell Smith, a mentor and fellow former director of the Central Intelligence Agency. But before he made his final exit last year at the age of 89, Helms left behind a packet of long-held secrets, like a spy loading a dead drop and then disappearing into the cold. They are contained not in a moldy tree trunk but in his posthumous autobiography, A Look Over My Shoulder. Over the years, I occasionally shared a meal with the legendary spymaster at one of his favorite haunts, Washington's Sulgrave Club, where his wife, Cynthia, was a member. Tall and lanky, with thin lips pursed together as if sealed with a zipper, he once told me that he had always vowed never to write about his life in the shadows. He even refused to read books he perceived as biased against him or the agency, such as Thomas Powers's well-received The Man Who Kept the Secrets, published in 1979. Then, while on vacation once during the mid-1990s, he brought along Powers's book and finally began turning the pages. Pleasantly surprised by the author's accuracy and fairness, he gradually made the decision to at last unseal a bit of his cipher-locked past. It is too bad he did not make the decision much earlier, when many of the words, the events, the emotions, the colors and the details would still have been fresh in his mind. Writing at such a long remove in time is a little like looking through the wrong end of a telescope. Compounding his difficulty was the lack of access to still-classified documents and a rigid agency review process. The result is a book with too much flat history and too few new insights and revelations. Nevertheless, the opportunity to at last see much of the 20th century through Helms's probing eyes is well worth the price. While offering few new details in recounting some of the major events of his long tenure at the CIA -- he saw no indications of conspiracy during the Kennedy assassination, for example -- Helms sometimes does come up with surprises. One involves the deadly Israeli attack on the American electronic surveillance ship USS Liberty during the Six Day War in 1967. Thirty-four American sailors were killed, and 171 were wounded in the incident. Although at the time Israel claimed it was a mistake, and an "interim" CIA intelligence memorandum agreed, that view later changed. "I had no role in the board of inquiry that followed," Helms writes, "or the board's finding that there could be no doubt that the Israelis knew exactly what they were doing in attacking the Liberty. I have yet to understand why it was felt necessary to attack this ship or who ordered the attack." This is consistent with the views of some members of the administration at the time, including Secretary of State Dean Rusk and the director and deputy directors of the National Security Agency, which was in charge of the ship. Overshadowing all else during Helms's years as director were the Vietnam War and the domestic protests it spawned. Among the operations Helms was most proud of was the CIA's very secret paramilitary role in Laos, attempting to resist a government takeover by communist forces. Until America pulled out of Vietnam, the operation succeeded in fighting back the guerrillas and largely maintaining the status quo. "We had fulfilled our mission and we remain proud of it," he writes. "We had won the war!" Vietnam, however, was a different story. But it was the war at home that long haunted Helms. "Nothing in my thirty-year service brought me more criticism," he wrote, "than my response to President Johnson's insistence that the Agency supply him proof that foreign agents and funds were at the root of the racial and political unrest that took fire in the summer of 1967." The agency's response was given the apt cryptonym CHAOS. "CHAOS," he admits, "was my responsibility." In the process of giving Johnson the answer he was not expecting -- there was "no trace" of foreign involvement -- the agency for the first time began secretly treading on domestic soil, "a violation of our charter," Helms confesses. If Helms is remembered for the controversy of CHAOS, he should also be remembered for the courage of standing up to President Nixon's attempt to tar the CIA with the brush of Watergate. Shortly after the break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters and the arrest of those involved, Nixon had his White House lawyer, John Dean, put pressure on Helms's deputy, Vernon Walters. "Dean had one request," Helms writes. "The White House wanted money from CIA to make bail for the burglars." Helms refused, telling Walters, "There was no way that the [CIA] could furnish secret funds to the Watergate crowd without permanently damaging and perhaps even destroying the Agency." Five months later, Helms got the boot. If Helms thought that he was finally out of harm's way once he turned in his cloak and dagger, he couldn't have been more mistaken. Nominated to become ambassador to Iran, he was called before an open Senate committee for confirmation and was asked whether the CIA played a role in a coup in Chile that brought down the government of Salvador Allende. Rather than tell the truth and expose the CIA's involvement or ask to answer the question in closed session, Helms simply lied and said no. Years later the answer came back to haunt him. He was charged with failing to testify "fully and completely" before the committee and pleaded no contest. Following a sharp tongue-lashing by the judge, who told Helms he stood before the court "in disgrace and shame," he was sentenced to two years in prison and a $2,000 fine. The judge then suspended the jail time. Helms turned ashen. But upon leaving the courthouse he claimed that the conviction represented a "badge of honor" for having lied to protect an agency operation. Six years later, he received the National Security Medal, the highest award in the intelligence community, from President Ronald Reagan for "exceptional meritorious service." As the horse-drawn caisson waited to carry Richard Helms to his final resting place on that chilly fall morning, the man who must now keep the secrets paid tribute. "Wherever American intelligence officers strive to defend and extend freedom," said George Tenet, the director of Central Intelligence, "Richard Helms will be there." . James Bamford is the author, most recently, of "Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency." -------------------------------------------------------------------------- From contemporary press reports: 20 November 2002: Buried with military honors, former CIA Director Richard Helms was remembered on Wednesday as a man "who knew the value of a stolen secret" and became one of the great heroes of America's clandestine intelligence operations. "In Richard Helms, intelligence in service to liberty found an unsurpassed champion," said George Tenet, the CIA's current director. Helms, who died at 89 on October 23, 2002, began his intelligence career during World War II and rose through the ranks during the Cold War. He served as CIA director for six years before President Nixon fired him for refusing to block an FBI probe into the 1972 Watergate break in. He was buried at Arlington National Cemetery before a large group of mourners that included members of the intelligence and defense establishments of several presidential administrations. At a memorial service at Fort Myer, Virginia, following Helms' burial, Tenet called Helms "one of our greatest heroes." "He came to know, as few others ever would, the value of a stolen secret, and the advantage that comes to our democracy from the fullest possible knowledge of those abroad determined to destroy it," Tenet said. Beginning in the 1930s as an enterprising reporter for United Press, for whom he interviewed Adolf Hitler, Helms found his way to wartime service with the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. intelligence agency that was the forerunner of the CIA. At the OSS, Tenet said, "Richard Helms found the calling of his lifetime." "In its Secret Intelligence Branch, he mastered the delicate, demanding craft of agent operations," Tenet said. "He excelled at both the meticulous planning and the bold vision and action that were - and remain today __ the heart of our work to obtain information critical to the safety and security of the United States __ information that can be gained only through stealth and courage." Tenet called Helms' later CIA career "the stuff of legend," praising his "sound operational judgment, his complete command of facts (and) his reputation as the best drafter of cables anywhere ..." "In an organization where risk and pressure are as common as a cup of coffee, he was unflappable," Tenet said. Tenet said Helms' legacy is the American intelligence agents he taught and who carry on in his place. Helms himself addressed the profession of an intelligence officer in a 1996 speech quoted in the program for his memorial service. "Military conflicts and terrorist attacks have not gone out of style," he said then. "An alert intelligence community is our first, best line of defense. Service there is its own reward. A military honor guard escorts the horse-drawn carriage carrying the remains of former CIA Director Richard Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va. Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. A U.S. Navy honor guard prepares to remove the cremated remains of former CIA Director Richard Helms from a ceremonial flag-draped casket on a caisson at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Virginia November 20, 2002. Members of a naval honor guard carry a flag and a box containing the ashes of former CIA Director Richard Helms during ceremonies at Arlington National Cemetery CIA Director George Tenet, right, awaits the flag that draped the casket of former CIA Director Richard Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va. Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. Helms, the spymaster who led the CIA through some of its most difficult years and was later fired by President Nixon when he refused to block an FBI probe into the Watergate scandal, died last month. Afterward, Tenet presented the flag to Helms' widow. Family members of former CIA Director Richard Helms hold the flag that draped his casket during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery , Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. Cynthia Helms, widow of former CIA Director Richard Helms, pauses over a container with the remains of Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Former CIA Director Helms Dead at 89 Wed Oct 23, 2002 7:17 PM ET Former CIA Director Richard Helms, who led the spy agency during the height of the Vietnam War and resisted attempts by President Richard Nixon to involve the CIA in Watergate, has died. He was 89. Helms was in declining health and died at his home on Tuesday (22 October 2002). The cause of death was not immediately available. "The men and women of American intelligence have lost a great teacher and a true friend," CIA Director George Tenet said in a statement on Wednesday. He ordered flags at the agency's headquarters in Virginia flown at half-staff. "As director of central intelligence for almost seven years, he steered a bold and daring course, one that rewarded both rigor and risk," Tenet said. Helms led the spy agency from June 1966 to February 1973 during one of the most contentious periods of American history with both the Vietnam War and Watergate. He was the first career CIA officer to reach the agency's top position. Helms was first appointed by President Lyndon Johnson and in 1969 was reappointed by Nixon. After the controversial break-in at Democratic headquarters at the Watergate Hotel in 1972, Helms resisted attempts by Nixon to involve the CIA in the ensuing cover-up, which ultimately brought down his presidency. The CIA chief was not reappointed to his post. Helms' name also emerged in the guessing game of who was "Deep Throat," the confidential source that helped Washington Post reporters break open the Watergate scandal. After leaving the CIA, Helms went on to become U.S. ambassador to Iran from March 1973 to January 1977. In 1977, he was charged with perjury for denying the CIA had tried to overthrow the government in Chile in testimony to Congress. Helms was given a suspended jail sentence. 'PAINFUL PERIOD' "I think he remembered that as a painful period in his life. Dick always believed that he was seeking a higher good there in protecting the sources who had worked with the agency at risk to themselves and our own people in the field," said John Gannon, former National Intelligence Council chairman and friend of Helms. "History will judge his performance there." A CIA report released two years ago said in September 1970 Nixon told Helms that a Salvador Allende regime in Chile would not be acceptable and authorized $10 million for the CIA to prevent him from reaching power. Allende was elected, so then the CIA was directed to instigate a coup but those efforts also failed. Three years later in September 1973, a bloody coup put Gen. Augusto Pinochet in power and Allende killed himself. The CIA has maintained it did not instigate that coup. Helms worked for years in the CIA's clandestine service which conducts covert operations and became deputy director for plans in 1962. During that time, the CIA tried unsuccessfully to remove President Fidel Castro from power in Cuba. Helms, a private consultant since 1977, remained a helping hand of experience to the CIA, Gannon said. "He was almost a folk hero at CIA because he actively worked to stay engaged and to be useful and helpful to people in the agency," he said. Helms had a quiet, reserved manner that could intimidate subordinates and was known as a dapper dresser. "Dick was a man you had to work to get to know. He had a certain reserve about him and he had a patrician air," Gannon said. "But if you cut through that and got to know Dick he was an extremely warm man with a really great capacity for friendship," he said. Helms started out as a journalist for the predecessor to United Press International in Europe, covered the 1936 Olympic games in Berlin and interviewed German leader Adolf Hitler. He joined the Navy in 1942 and was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the predecessor to the CIA. He worked in Washington, London, Paris and Luxembourg, running espionage operations against Germany. Helms will be buried at Arlington National Cemetery on November 20, 2002. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Richard M. Helms, 89, the quintessential intelligence and espionage officer who joined the Central Intelligence Agency at its founding in 1947 and rose through the ranks to lead it for more than six years, died Tuesday night (23 October 2002) at his home, the CIA announced today. No immediate cause of death was reported. Mr. Helms was the first career intelligence professional to serve as the nation's top spymaster, and he was among the last of the remaining survivors of the CIA's organizing cadre, operatives who earned their espionage stripes as young men during World War II. His years at the agency covered a period in which CIA service was widely honored as a noble and romantic calling in the Cold War against the Soviet Union. But much of this mystique had dissolved in the national malaise that accompanied the war in Vietnam and the Watergate scandal. At his retirement in 1973, Mr. Helms left an organization viewed with suspicion by many and about to undergo intense scrutiny from an unfriendly Congress for activities ranging from assassination plots against foreign leaders to spying on U.S. citizens. As a veteran of the craft of espionage, he had always followed a code that stressed maximum trust and loyalty to his agency and colleagues; maximum silence where outsiders were concerned. "The Man Who Kept the Secrets," was the title chosen by author Thomas Powers for his biography of Mr. Helms. In the judgment of Richard Helms, the CIA worked only for the president. He did not welcome congressional inquiry or oversight. In 1977 he pleaded no contest in a federal court to charges of failing to testify fully before Congress about the CIA role in the covert supply of money to Chilean anti Marxists in 1970 in an effort to influence a presidential election. "I found myself in a position of conflict," Mr. Helms said. "I had sworn my oath to protect certain secrets." He received a suspended two-year prison sentence and a $2,000 fine, which was paid in full by retired CIA agents. Six years later at a White House ceremony, Mr. Helms received the National Security Medal from President Reagan for "exceptionally meritorious service." He said he considered this award "an exoneration." His career at the CIA covered periods of searching for communists in the U.S. government and the Red Scare tactics of Sen. Joseph R. McCarthy (R-Wis.); the ill-fated CIA-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, and plots against Cuban dictator Fidel Castro. It included the rending of the American social fabric and the antiwar protests of the Vietnam era, and it ended during the the Watergate crisis that ultimately ended the presidency of Richard M. Nixon. On leaving the CIA, Mr. Helms served three years as ambassador to Iran, then in 1976 ended his government service. As one of its ranking officers for most of the CIA's first 25 years, Mr. Helms helped form and shape the agency, and he recruited, trained, assigned and supervised many of its top agents. During the 1950s and early 1960s he held high positions in the division responsible for clandestine operations. " . . . He was a kind of middle man between the field and Washington policymakers, approving and even choosing the wording of cables to the field describing 'requirements'; and passing on concrete proposals for operations from the local CIA stations," Powers wrote in his biography of Mr. Helms. By 1958 he was second in command of covert operations when he was passed over for the directorship of that activity in favor of Richard M. Bissell Jr., who in 1961 would plan and direct the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion of Fidel Castro's Cuba. In this operation, a force of 1,200 CIA trained and equipped Cuban exiles attempted to retake the island from Castro, but the effort failed and most of the invaders were killed or captured. Mr. Helms, who by nature had been cool and skeptical toward covert operations on such a large scale, had kept his distance from the Bay of Pigs. But the fiasco proved to be Bissell's undoing and he retired amid the political fallout that followed. Mr. Helms replaced him in 1962, winning at last the position that had eluded him four years earlier. He became the CIA's deputy director for plans, the innocuous sounding title of covert action chief. With his new assignment he inherited a pressure campaign from the White House to get rid of Castro by other means. During the next several months the agency would contemplate schemes for Castro's overthrow or assassination, but none ever materialized. In 1965 Mr. Helms was named to the number two job at the agency, deputy director of Central Intelligence. Retiring CIA chief John A. McCone had campaigned to have Mr. Helms succeed him, but President Lyndon B. Johnson instead chose Navy Vice Adm. William F. Raborn, who lasted only 14 months in the job. In 1966 the president named Mr. Helms CIA director. He would serve longer as Director of Central Intelligence than anyone except Allen Dulles, the legendary spymaster who led the CIA from 1953 to 1961. As America's top spymaster, Powers wrote in his biography, Mr. Helms "is remembered as an administrator, impatient with delay, excuses, self-seeking, the sour air of office politics. Asked for an example of Helms' characteristic utterance, three of his old friends came up with the same dry phrase, 'Let's get on with it.' . . . Helm's style was cool by choice and temperment; his instinct was to soften differences, to find a middle ground, to tone down operations that were getting out of hand, to give faltering projects one more chance rather than shut them down altogether, to settle for compromise in the interests of bureaucratic peace." He tended to work regular hours, 8:30 a.m. to 6:30 p.m., and his desk was always cleared when he left the office at night. Mr. Helms kept a low public profile as CIA director, and he avoided publicity. But he lunched occasionally with influential figures in the media, and he was assiduous in cultivating the congressional support he needed to manage his agency. He made only one public speech during his years as CIA leader, telling the nation's newspaper editors that "the nation must, to a degree, take it on faith that we, too, are honorable men, devoted to her service." Richard McGarrah Helms was born in St. Davids, Pa., to a family of financial means. His father was an Alcoa executive and his maternal grandfather a leading international banker. He grew up in South Orange, N.J., and attended high school in Switzerland for two years. While there he became proficient in French and German. In 1935 he graduated Phi Beta Kappa from Williams College, where in his senior year he was president of his class, editor of the campus newspaper and the yearbook and president of the honor society. His life's ambition on leaving college was to own and operate a daily newspaper. In pursuit of that goal he paid his own fare to London where he became a European reporter for United Press. His assignments included coverage of the 1936 Olympic Games in Berlin. The following year he was one of a group of foreign correspondents to interview Adolf Hitler. Shortly thereafter he returned to the United States and took a job with the Indianapolis Times newspaper, where by 1939 he had become national advertising director. With the entry of the United States into World War II he joined the Navy, and in 1943 was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. wartime espionage agency that antedated the CIA. There he had desk jobs in New York and Washington and later in London. At the end of the war he was posted in Berlin, where he worked for Allen Dulles. Discharged from military service in 1946, he continued doing intelligence work as a civilian. When the U.S. wartime intelligence forces merged into the CIA in 1947, Mr. Helms became one of the architects of the new organization. During the 1950s, Dulles gave him special assignments from time to time. At the height of Sen. McCarthy's fervid hunts for communists inside the government, Mr. Helms headed a CIA committee to protect the agency against McCarthy's efforts to infiltrate the CIA with his own informers. The committee's job was to monitor reports of covert approaches to CIA officers by McCarthy agents and to plug any leaks. During the years there would be more assignments with domestic political implications. Early in Mr. Helms' directorship, as the war in Vietnam and the antiwar protests were both escalating, Johnson asked the CIA to determine whether antiwar activity in the United States was being financially or otherwise backed by foreign countries. In response to this request, the agency in 1967 launched a domestic surveillance program known as "Operation Chaos," which became the focus of intense controversy when it was disclosed publicly by The New York Times in 1975. With the election of Richard Nixon as president in 1968, White House involvement with the CIA only intensified. Even before the 1972 Watergate break-in at Democratic National Committee headquarters that led to Nixon's downfall, the White House had demanded and received CIA files on agency plots to assassinate foreign leaders during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. These included Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo. But the relationship between Mr. Helms and Nixon was never smooth, and in November of 1972, shortly after he had been elected to his second term, the president summoned his CIA chief to a meeting at Camp David and asked him to resign. Nixon's reasons were never made public, but Power said in his biography that Mr. Helms was convinced "that Nixon fired him for one reason only - because he had refused wholeheartedly to join the Watergate cover-up." At the Camp David meeting, the president had asked Mr. Helms if he'd like to be an ambassador, and the two men had agreed on Iran. But during his three years in Iran, Mr. Helms would make more than a dozen trips back to Washington to testify before Senate committees investigating CIA activities during his directorship. Links between unsavory Nixon White House activities and the CIA, including the agency's lending of disguises to Watergate conspirator E. Howard Hunt and the CIA backgrounds of many of the Watergate burglars prompted an internal examination ordered by Mr. Helm's successor at the agency, James R. Schlesinger. This resulted in a 693-page compendium of agency misdeeds, including assassination attempts, burglaries, electronic eavesdropping and LSD testing of persons without their knowledge. William R. Colby, who succeeded Schlesinger as director of Central Intelligence, quietly briefed House and Senate overseers on the contents of the report, which became known in the agency as "the family jewels." The substance of the briefing did not surface publicly for two years, but it eventually did become known through a combination of press accounts, a presidential commission and congressional committees bent on public disclosure. Ultimately, the result was creation of permanent House and Senate oversight committees to monitor the CIA and all other U.S. intelligence agencies. In 1976 Mr. Helms returned from Tehran, retired from government service and became an international consultant. In 1939 Mr. Helms married Julia Bretzman Shields of Indianapolis. They separated in 1967 and divorced in 1968. They had one son, Dennis. In 1968 he married Cynthia McKelvie. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- October 24, 2002 Richard Helms, Ex-C.I.A. Chief, Dies at 89 Mr. Helms (left) in 1966 and (right) in 1973 with President Richard Nixon Richard Helms, a former Director of Central Intelligence who defiantly guarded some of the darkest secrets of the cold war, died of multiple myeloma today. He was 89. An urbane and dashing spymaster, Mr. Helms began his career with a reputation as a truth teller and became a favorite of lawmakers in the late 1960's and early 70's. But he eventually ran afoul of Congressional investigators who found that he had lied or withheld information about the United States role in assassination attempts in Cuba, anti-government activities in Chile and the illegal surveillance of journalists in the United States. Mr. Helms pleaded no contest in 1977 to two misdemeanor counts of failing to testify fully four years earlier to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. His conviction, which resulted in a suspended sentence and a $2,000 fine, became a rallying point for critics of the Central Intelligence, Agency who accused it of dirty tricks, as well as for the agency's defenders, who hailed Mr. Helms for refusing to compromise sensitive information. In the title of his 1979 biography of Mr. Helms, Thomas Powers called him "The Man Who Kept the Secrets" (Pocket Books). Mr. Helms's memoir, "A Look Over My Shoulder: a Life in the C.I.A.," is to be released in the spring by Random House. After he left the C.I.A. in 1973, Mr. Helms served until 1977 as the American ambassador to Iran, whose ruler, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, was supported by the United States. He later became an international consultant, specializing in trade with the Middle East. Born on March 30, 1913, in St. Davids, Pa., Richard McGarrah Helms - he avoided using the middle name - was the son of an Alcoa executive and grandson of a leading international banker, Gates McGarrah. He grew up in South Orange, N.J., and studied for two years during high school in Switzerland, where he became fluent in French and German. At Williams College, Mr. Helms excelled as a student and a leader. He was class president, editor of the school newspaper and the yearbook, and was president of the senior honor society. He fancied a career in journalism, and went to Europe as a reporter for United Press. His biggest scoop, he said, was an exclusive interview with Hitler. In 1939 he married Julia Bretzman Shields, and they had a son, Dennis, a lawyer in Princeton, N.J. The couple were divorced in 1968, and Mr. Helms married Cynthia McKelvie later that year. She and his son survive him. When World War II broke out, Mr. Helms was called into service by the Naval Reserve and because of his linguistic abilities was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor to the C.I.A. He worked in New York plotting the positions of German submarines in the western Atlantic. From the beginning, he worked in the C.I.A.'s covert operations, or "plans" division, and by the early 1950's he was serving as deputy to the head of clandestine services, Frank Wisner. In that capacity, in 1955, Mr. Helms impressed his superiors by supervising the secret digging of a 500-yard tunnel from West Berlin to East Berlin to tap the main Soviet telephone lines between Moscow and East Berlin. For more than 11 months, until the tunnel was detected by the Soviet Union, the C.I.A. was able to eavesdrop on Moscow's conversations with its agents in the puppet governments of East Germany and Poland. Over the next 20 years, Mr. Helms rose through the agency's ranks, and in 1966 he came the first career official to head the C.I.A. He served under such men as Allen W. Dulles, Richard M. Bissell, John A. McCone and Vice Adm. William F. Raborn. During most of his tenure as C.I.A. chief, Mr. Helms received favorable attention from lawmakers and the press, who remarked on his professionalism, candor, and even his dark good looks. That reputation grew after 1973, when Mr. Helms clashed with President Richard M. Nixon, who sought his help in thwarting an F.B.I. investigation into the Watergate break-in. When Mr. Helms refused, Mr. Powers wrote, Mr. Nixon forced him out and sent him to Iran as ambassador. But Mr. Helms soon found himself called to account for his own actions when the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence delved into the agency's efforts to assassinate world leaders or destabilize socialist governments. The committee, which was led by Senator Frank Church, Democrat of Idaho, accused Mr. Helms of failing to inform his own superiors of efforts to kill the Cuban leader Fidel Castro, which the Senate panel called "a grave error in judgment." A separate inquiry by the Rockefeller Commission also faulted Mr. Helms for poor judgment for destroying documents and tape recordings that might have assisted Watergate investigators. But the most contentious criticism of Mr. Helms centered on Chile. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Helms insisted that the C.I.A. had never tried to overthrow the government of President Salvador Allende Gossens or funneled money to political enemies of Mr. Allende, a Marxist. Senate investigators later discovered that the C.I.A. had run a major secret operation in Chile that gave more than $8 million to the opponents of Mr. Allende, using the International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation as a conduit. Mr. Allende was killed in a 1973 military coup, which was followed by more than 16 years of military dictatorship. In 1977, Mr. Helms stepped down as ambassador to Iran and returned to Washington to plead no contest to charges that in 1973 he had lied to a Congressional committee about the intelligence agency's role in bringing down the Allende government. "I had found myself in a position of conflict," he told a federal judge at the formal proceeding after entering a plea agreement with the Justice Department. "I had sworn my oath to protect certain secrets. I didn't want to lie. I didn't want to mislead the Senate. I was simply trying to find my way through a difficult situation in which I found myself." The judge responded, "You now stand before this court in disgrace and shame," and sentenced him to two years in prison and a $2,000 fine. The prison term was suspended. Mr. Helms said outside the courtroom that he wore his conviction "like a badge of honor," and added: "I don't feel disgraced at all. I think if I had done anything else I would have been disgraced." Later that day he went to a reunion of former C.I.A. colleagues, who gave him a standing, cheering ovation, then passed the hat and raised the $2,000 for his fine. For a man who considered himself a genuine patriot, it was a bleak note on which to end his professional career. Mr. Helms believed he had performed well in a job that, although many Americans considered it sinister and undemocratic, was nevertheless a cold-blooded necessity in an era of cold war. Mr. Helms, who was allowed to receive his government pension, put his intelligence experience to use after his retirement. He became a consultant to businesses that made investments in other countries. He was known as a charming conversationalist, a gregarious partygoer and an accomplished dancer, and he and his wife continued to be familiar figures on the capital party scene. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 23 October 2002 STATEMENT BY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE GEORGE J. TENET ON THE DEATH OF AMBASSADOR RICHARD MCGARRAH HELMS With the deepest sadness, I have learned of the death of Ambassador Richard Helms. My thoughts and prayers are with his family at this time of grief. The United States has lost a great patriot. The men and women of American intelligence have lost a great teacher and a true friend. His service to country spanned more than half a century. But his career and contributions are not simply measured in history, they changed it. As a young Naval officer in the Second World War, Richard Helms found his place in American espionage. From that moment on, in posts of increasing responsibility, in times of conflict and in peace, he shaped the intelligence effort that has helped keep our country strong and free. As Director of Central Intelligence for almost seven years, he steered a bold and daring course, one that rewarded both rigor and risk. Clear in thought, elegant in style, he represents to me the best of his generation and profession. To the very end of his life, Ambassador Helms shared his time and wisdom with those who followed him in the calling of intelligence in defense of liberty. His enthusiasm for this vital work, and his concern for those who conduct it, never faltered. I will miss his priceless counsel and his warm friendship. But the name and example of Richard Helms will be treasured forever by all who work for the safety and security of the United States. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- HONORABLE RICHARD M. HELMS (Age 89) On Wednesday, October 23, 2002. Dear husband and friend of Cynthia R. Helms at his residence in Washington, DC. Father of Dennis and grandfather of Julia and Alexander; brother of Betty Helms Hawn, Pearsael Helms and Gates Helm; stepfather of Didi Anderson, Jill McKelvie Neilsen, Roderick McKelvie, Allan McKelvie and Linsday McKelvie Eakin and step-grandfather of 15. Service and burial at Arlington Cemetery mid-November, date and time to be announced. In lieu of flowers, donations may be made to CIA Memorial Foundation, created to provide benefits to the families of agents of the CIA killed in the line of duty, c/o Jeffrey H. Smith, Esq., Arnold & Porter, 555 12th Street, NW, Washington, DC or Community Hospices, Hospice of Washington, 4200 Wisconsin Ave, NW, Washington, DC 20016. Richard McGarrah Helms Lieutenant, United States Navy Director, Central Intelligence Agency Courtesy of the New York Times May 4, 2003 'A Look Over My Shoulder': Secrets of the Spymaster By JOSEPH E. PERSICO A LOOK OVER MY SHOULDER A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency. By Richard Helms with William Hood. Illustrated. 478 pp. New York: Random House. $35. Has Richard Helms, the famously closemouthed director of central intelligence -- called ''the man who kept the secrets'' in the apt title of Thomas Powers's biography -- finally decided to spill all? Almost, but selectively, judiciously and, it turns out, posthumously (he died last year). One of Helms's best-kept secrets is that he was writing this autobiography, with his C.I.A. colleague William Hood, after fending off writers who had tried unsuccessfully for years to pry loose his story. Helms finally broke his silence, he tells us in ''A Look Over My Shoulder,'' because the end of the cold war freed him from his self-imposed omerta. In his six and a half years leading the C.I.A., he became the very model of a modern major spymaster -- urbane, impeccably attired, affable yet impenetrable, a man who could charm and chill in the same one-minute cycle. His early life reads like a pre-spook course: born on Philadelphia's Main Line, educated at the same Swiss prep school attended by the future shah of Iran, early fluency in French and German, a magna cum laude scholar at Williams College, a first job as a reporter in prewar Europe, during which time, at the age of 23, he had an interview with Hitler. Helms was briefly diverted from his true path by a desire to make money, and thus became an unlikely advertising salesman for The Indianapolis Times. World War II got him back on track. Helms went into the Navy and then into the Office of Strategic Services, parent of today's Central Intelligence Agency. When the war ended, ''I was hooked on intelligence,'' Helms confesses. He was present at the creation and never left, pursuing a 30-year career that culminated in his rise to director of central intelligence from 1966 to 1973. The reader is irresistibly drawn first to the two most incendiary events in that career, Watergate and Chile, the high and low, as it were. President Nixon's attempt to insulate his administration from Watergate by enmeshing the C.I.A. was brazen even by Nixonian standards. First, Nixon's strong-arm man, H. R. Haldeman, threatened that any C.I.A. investigation of Watergate would expose sensitive agency operations, particularly the Bay of Pigs fiasco in Cuba of 11 years before. Helms responded, ''The Bay of Pigs hasn't got a damned thing to do with this.'' More brazen still, Nixon had his counsel, John Dean, order the C.I.A. to come up with bail money to spring the jailed Watergate burglars. Helms writes, ''I had no intention of supplying any such money, or of asking Congress for permission to dip into funds earmarked for secret intelligence purposes to provide bail for a band of political bunglers.'' Nixon backed down. Three cheers for Helms this time. However, on the Chilean affair, Helms emerges as rather less sterling. He states at first that C.I.A. secret operations in Chile were designed solely ''to preserve the democratic constitutional system.'' Yet in 1970, when the leftist candidate, Salvador Allende, was democratically elected president, Nixon ordered Helms to do whatever it took, with a free hand to spend $10 million, to see that Allende never took office. Nixon warned Helms to reveal nothing of this plotting even to the secretary of state, secretary of defense or United States ambassador to Chile. This time Helms knuckled under to presidential pressure, which was eventually to produce the great trauma of his career. In February 1973, seven months before Allende was overthrown by a right-wing coup in which he died, Helms testified under oath before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the C.I.A. had never aided Allende's opponents. Soon after, he testified before a Senate subcommittee headed by Senator Frank Church that the C.I.A. had had no dealings with the Chilean military. These untruths would lead, in 1977, to Helms's plea of no contest on two misdemeanor counts, resulting in a fine of $2,000 and a two-year suspended prison sentence. Helms's willingness to take the heat reflects a core difference between the ordinary American's conception of citizenship and the culture inculcated by the C.I.A. Helms had long ago sworn to keep the agency's secrets. He had also sworn before the Senate committees to tell the truth. To Helms, exposing sources and methods to headline-hunting senators ranked well below his vow to keep secrets upon which, in his judgment, the security of the nation hung. Helms claimed to wear his conviction for misleading Congress like a badge of honor. The intelligence fraternity concurred, giving him a standing ovation at a lunch after the trial and passing the hat to cover his fine. Tales of derring-do enliven Helms's readable story throughout, but its real significance is likely to surprise spy-thriller aficionados and conspiracy theorists: the C.I.A. is, first and foremost, simply a government agency. No differently than the Department of Agriculture, it executes White House policy. Helms's professional life is essentially the story of undercover operations ordered by presidents. Standout examples: Eisenhower's decisions to topple Prime Ministers Patrice Lumumba in Congo and Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran, President Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala and Fidel Castro in Cuba (continued by Kennedy), and Nixon's clandestine war against Allende. In the 1960's, at the peak of racial upheaval and demonstrations against the Vietnam War, President Johnson ordered Helms ''to track down the foreign Communists who are behind this intolerable interference in our domestic affairs.'' This demand led Helms to start up a covert snooping operation that he admits involved ''a violation of our charter'' not to spy on Americans at home. On the big stuff, Helms makes a convincing case that rather than being a ''rogue elephant,'' an ''invisible government'' as often charged, the C.I.A. is a president's political weapon of last resort, the keeper of the bag of dirty tricks. If agency acts appear roguish, Helms says, it is when government policy is roguish. He describes the dilemma when a president orders his intelligence chief to step out of bounds: ''What is the D.C.I. to do? . . . Has he the authority to refuse to accept a questionable order on a foreign policy question of obvious national importance?'' At this point, the spy chief's choices are to sign on or resign. Helms offers telling instances of the uselessness of even the keenest intelligence if its message is unwelcome at the top. In analyzing the domino theory, which held that if Vietnam fell, the whole non-Communist world would teeter, Helms sent Johnson a secret assessment that concluded, ''The net effects would probably not be permanently damaging to this country's ability to play its role as a world power.'' Johnson ignored the report's existence and pressed on with the war. During the cold war debate over the Soviet Union's capacity to deliver a first-strike knockout punch to the United States, the C.I.A. found that the Kremlin had neither the intention nor the weaponry to do so. The Nixon administration told Helms, in effect, to get on the team or shut up. Dick Helms remained throughout his career a thoroughgoing company man, albeit with spine-tingling job descriptions. His loyalty to old C.I.A. hands could be uncritical. The most egregious example involved his counterintelligence chief, James Jesus Angleton. The paranoid Angleton practically paralyzed the C.I.A.'s Soviet division by a long, fruitless hunt for a mole inside the agency. Over a hundred loyal officers fell under investigation; some were forced to resign. In implementing the dismissals, Helms says, ''I had no choice but to accept a decision that in effect said each was innocent, but that the innocence could not be proved.'' In this post-9/11 age of anxiety one looks for lessons in the life of a man who spent his career in the intelligence end of national security. The lesson here is how totally changed the present amorphous threats are from the comparatively clear-cut cold war battles Helms fought for a generation. By the time he died at the age of 89, with those battles long behind him, Helms's blemishes had been washed away. In 1983 President Reagan awarded him the National Security Medal. Upon his death he was buried with full honors in Arlington National Cemetery. Whether one likes or loathes the furtive world in which Helms lived, whether one sees him as a patriot or compliant careerist, this surprise autobiography provides an unsurpassed insider look into how American intelligence actually operates. It's a view offering more than enough ammunition for admirers and antagonists alike. Joseph E. Persico's latest book is ''Roosevelt's Secret War: FDR and World War II Espionage.'' -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Reviewed by James Bamford Sunday, April 27, 2003 A LOOK OVER MY SHOULDER A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency By Richard Helms with William Hood Random House. 478 pp. $35 Richard Helms was back among friends. On a crisp and tranquil late November morning, tinged with the musty scent of dried leaves and old bark, the man who was arguably America's most famous spy since Nathan Hale descended into eternal darkness. Buried with him, beneath a gently sloping hill at Arlington National Cemetery, was a lifetime of mystery, secrets and controversy. Nearby, sharing the same hallowed ground, were the graves of his old friend Frank Wisner, a specialist in covert action, and General Walter Bedell Smith, a mentor and fellow former director of the Central Intelligence Agency. But before he made his final exit last year at the age of 89, Helms left behind a packet of long-held secrets, like a spy loading a dead drop and then disappearing into the cold. They are contained not in a moldy tree trunk but in his posthumous autobiography, A Look Over My Shoulder. Over the years, I occasionally shared a meal with the legendary spymaster at one of his favorite haunts, Washington's Sulgrave Club, where his wife, Cynthia, was a member. Tall and lanky, with thin lips pursed together as if sealed with a zipper, he once told me that he had always vowed never to write about his life in the shadows. He even refused to read books he perceived as biased against him or the agency, such as Thomas Powers's well-received The Man Who Kept the Secrets, published in 1979. Then, while on vacation once during the mid-1990s, he brought along Powers's book and finally began turning the pages. Pleasantly surprised by the author's accuracy and fairness, he gradually made the decision to at last unseal a bit of his cipher-locked past. It is too bad he did not make the decision much earlier, when many of the words, the events, the emotions, the colors and the details would still have been fresh in his mind. Writing at such a long remove in time is a little like looking through the wrong end of a telescope. Compounding his difficulty was the lack of access to still-classified documents and a rigid agency review process. The result is a book with too much flat history and too few new insights and revelations. Nevertheless, the opportunity to at last see much of the 20th century through Helms's probing eyes is well worth the price. While offering few new details in recounting some of the major events of his long tenure at the CIA -- he saw no indications of conspiracy during the Kennedy assassination, for example -- Helms sometimes does come up with surprises. One involves the deadly Israeli attack on the American electronic surveillance ship USS Liberty during the Six Day War in 1967. Thirty-four American sailors were killed, and 171 were wounded in the incident. Although at the time Israel claimed it was a mistake, and an "interim" CIA intelligence memorandum agreed, that view later changed. "I had no role in the board of inquiry that followed," Helms writes, "or the board's finding that there could be no doubt that the Israelis knew exactly what they were doing in attacking the Liberty. I have yet to understand why it was felt necessary to attack this ship or who ordered the attack." This is consistent with the views of some members of the administration at the time, including Secretary of State Dean Rusk and the director and deputy directors of the National Security Agency, which was in charge of the ship. Overshadowing all else during Helms's years as director were the Vietnam War and the domestic protests it spawned. Among the operations Helms was most proud of was the CIA's very secret paramilitary role in Laos, attempting to resist a government takeover by communist forces. Until America pulled out of Vietnam, the operation succeeded in fighting back the guerrillas and largely maintaining the status quo. "We had fulfilled our mission and we remain proud of it," he writes. "We had won the war!" Vietnam, however, was a different story. But it was the war at home that long haunted Helms. "Nothing in my thirty-year service brought me more criticism," he wrote, "than my response to President Johnson's insistence that the Agency supply him proof that foreign agents and funds were at the root of the racial and political unrest that took fire in the summer of 1967." The agency's response was given the apt cryptonym CHAOS. "CHAOS," he admits, "was my responsibility." In the process of giving Johnson the answer he was not expecting -- there was "no trace" of foreign involvement -- the agency for the first time began secretly treading on domestic soil, "a violation of our charter," Helms confesses. If Helms is remembered for the controversy of CHAOS, he should also be remembered for the courage of standing up to President Nixon's attempt to tar the CIA with the brush of Watergate. Shortly after the break-in at the Democratic National Committee headquarters and the arrest of those involved, Nixon had his White House lawyer, John Dean, put pressure on Helms's deputy, Vernon Walters. "Dean had one request," Helms writes. "The White House wanted money from CIA to make bail for the burglars." Helms refused, telling Walters, "There was no way that the [CIA] could furnish secret funds to the Watergate crowd without permanently damaging and perhaps even destroying the Agency." Five months later, Helms got the boot. If Helms thought that he was finally out of harm's way once he turned in his cloak and dagger, he couldn't have been more mistaken. Nominated to become ambassador to Iran, he was called before an open Senate committee for confirmation and was asked whether the CIA played a role in a coup in Chile that brought down the government of Salvador Allende. Rather than tell the truth and expose the CIA's involvement or ask to answer the question in closed session, Helms simply lied and said no. Years later the answer came back to haunt him. He was charged with failing to testify "fully and completely" before the committee and pleaded no contest. Following a sharp tongue-lashing by the judge, who told Helms he stood before the court "in disgrace and shame," he was sentenced to two years in prison and a $2,000 fine. The judge then suspended the jail time. Helms turned ashen. But upon leaving the courthouse he claimed that the conviction represented a "badge of honor" for having lied to protect an agency operation. Six years later, he received the National Security Medal, the highest award in the intelligence community, from President Ronald Reagan for "exceptional meritorious service." As the horse-drawn caisson waited to carry Richard Helms to his final resting place on that chilly fall morning, the man who must now keep the secrets paid tribute. "Wherever American intelligence officers strive to defend and extend freedom," said George Tenet, the director of Central Intelligence, "Richard Helms will be there." . James Bamford is the author, most recently, of "Body of Secrets: Anatomy of the Ultra-Secret National Security Agency." -------------------------------------------------------------------------- From contemporary press reports: 20 November 2002: Buried with military honors, former CIA Director Richard Helms was remembered on Wednesday as a man "who knew the value of a stolen secret" and became one of the great heroes of America's clandestine intelligence operations. "In Richard Helms, intelligence in service to liberty found an unsurpassed champion," said George Tenet, the CIA's current director. Helms, who died at 89 on October 23, 2002, began his intelligence career during World War II and rose through the ranks during the Cold War. He served as CIA director for six years before President Nixon fired him for refusing to block an FBI probe into the 1972 Watergate break in. He was buried at Arlington National Cemetery before a large group of mourners that included members of the intelligence and defense establishments of several presidential administrations. At a memorial service at Fort Myer, Virginia, following Helms' burial, Tenet called Helms "one of our greatest heroes." "He came to know, as few others ever would, the value of a stolen secret, and the advantage that comes to our democracy from the fullest possible knowledge of those abroad determined to destroy it," Tenet said. Beginning in the 1930s as an enterprising reporter for United Press, for whom he interviewed Adolf Hitler, Helms found his way to wartime service with the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. intelligence agency that was the forerunner of the CIA. At the OSS, Tenet said, "Richard Helms found the calling of his lifetime." "In its Secret Intelligence Branch, he mastered the delicate, demanding craft of agent operations," Tenet said. "He excelled at both the meticulous planning and the bold vision and action that were - and remain today __ the heart of our work to obtain information critical to the safety and security of the United States __ information that can be gained only through stealth and courage." Tenet called Helms' later CIA career "the stuff of legend," praising his "sound operational judgment, his complete command of facts (and) his reputation as the best drafter of cables anywhere ..." "In an organization where risk and pressure are as common as a cup of coffee, he was unflappable," Tenet said. Tenet said Helms' legacy is the American intelligence agents he taught and who carry on in his place. Helms himself addressed the profession of an intelligence officer in a 1996 speech quoted in the program for his memorial service. "Military conflicts and terrorist attacks have not gone out of style," he said then. "An alert intelligence community is our first, best line of defense. Service there is its own reward. A military honor guard escorts the horse-drawn carriage carrying the remains of former CIA Director Richard Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va. Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. A U.S. Navy honor guard prepares to remove the cremated remains of former CIA Director Richard Helms from a ceremonial flag-draped casket on a caisson at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Virginia November 20, 2002. Members of a naval honor guard carry a flag and a box containing the ashes of former CIA Director Richard Helms during ceremonies at Arlington National Cemetery CIA Director George Tenet, right, awaits the flag that draped the casket of former CIA Director Richard Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Va. Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. Helms, the spymaster who led the CIA through some of its most difficult years and was later fired by President Nixon when he refused to block an FBI probe into the Watergate scandal, died last month. Afterward, Tenet presented the flag to Helms' widow. Family members of former CIA Director Richard Helms hold the flag that draped his casket during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery , Wednesday, Nov. 20, 2002. Cynthia Helms, widow of former CIA Director Richard Helms, pauses over a container with the remains of Helms during funeral services at Arlington National Cemetery -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Former CIA Director Helms Dead at 89 Wed Oct 23, 2002 7:17 PM ET Former CIA Director Richard Helms, who led the spy agency during the height of the Vietnam War and resisted attempts by President Richard Nixon to involve the CIA in Watergate, has died. He was 89. Helms was in declining health and died at his home on Tuesday (22 October 2002). The cause of death was not immediately available. "The men and women of American intelligence have lost a great teacher and a true friend," CIA Director George Tenet said in a statement on Wednesday. He ordered flags at the agency's headquarters in Virginia flown at half-staff. "As director of central intelligence for almost seven years, he steered a bold and daring course, one that rewarded both rigor and risk," Tenet said. Helms led the spy agency from June 1966 to February 1973 during one of the most contentious periods of American history with both the Vietnam War and Watergate. He was the first career CIA officer to reach the agency's top position. Helms was first appointed by President Lyndon Johnson and in 1969 was reappointed by Nixon. After the controversial break-in at Democratic headquarters at the Watergate Hotel in 1972, Helms resisted attempts by Nixon to involve the CIA in the ensuing cover-up, which ultimately brought down his presidency. The CIA chief was not reappointed to his post. Helms' name also emerged in the guessing game of who was "Deep Throat," the confidential source that helped Washington Post reporters break open the Watergate scandal. After leaving the CIA, Helms went on to become U.S. ambassador to Iran from March 1973 to January 1977. In 1977, he was charged with perjury for denying the CIA had tried to overthrow the government in Chile in testimony to Congress. Helms was given a suspended jail sentence. 'PAINFUL PERIOD' "I think he remembered that as a painful period in his life. Dick always believed that he was seeking a higher good there in protecting the sources who had worked with the agency at risk to themselves and our own people in the field," said John Gannon, former National Intelligence Council chairman and friend of Helms. "History will judge his performance there." A CIA report released two years ago said in September 1970 Nixon told Helms that a Salvador Allende regime in Chile would not be acceptable and authorized $10 million for the CIA to prevent him from reaching power. Allende was elected, so then the CIA was directed to instigate a coup but those efforts also failed. Three years later in September 1973, a bloody coup put Gen. Augusto Pinochet in power and Allende killed himself. The CIA has maintained it did not instigate that coup. Helms worked for years in the CIA's clandestine service which conducts covert operations and became deputy director for plans in 1962. During that time, the CIA tried unsuccessfully to remove President Fidel Castro from power in Cuba. Helms, a private consultant since 1977, remained a helping hand of experience to the CIA, Gannon said. "He was almost a folk hero at CIA because he actively worked to stay engaged and to be useful and helpful to people in the agency," he said. Helms had a quiet, reserved manner that could intimidate subordinates and was known as a dapper dresser. "Dick was a man you had to work to get to know. He had a certain reserve about him and he had a patrician air," Gannon said. "But if you cut through that and got to know Dick he was an extremely warm man with a really great capacity for friendship," he said. Helms started out as a journalist for the predecessor to United Press International in Europe, covered the 1936 Olympic games in Berlin and interviewed German leader Adolf Hitler. He joined the Navy in 1942 and was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the predecessor to the CIA. He worked in Washington, London, Paris and Luxembourg, running espionage operations against Germany. Helms will be buried at Arlington National Cemetery on November 20, 2002. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- Richard M. Helms, 89, the quintessential intelligence and espionage officer who joined the Central Intelligence Agency at its founding in 1947 and rose through the ranks to lead it for more than six years, died Tuesday night (23 October 2002) at his home, the CIA announced today. No immediate cause of death was reported. Mr. Helms was the first career intelligence professional to serve as the nation's top spymaster, and he was among the last of the remaining survivors of the CIA's organizing cadre, operatives who earned their espionage stripes as young men during World War II. His years at the agency covered a period in which CIA service was widely honored as a noble and romantic calling in the Cold War against the Soviet Union. But much of this mystique had dissolved in the national malaise that accompanied the war in Vietnam and the Watergate scandal. At his retirement in 1973, Mr. Helms left an organization viewed with suspicion by many and about to undergo intense scrutiny from an unfriendly Congress for activities ranging from assassination plots against foreign leaders to spying on U.S. citizens. As a veteran of the craft of espionage, he had always followed a code that stressed maximum trust and loyalty to his agency and colleagues; maximum silence where outsiders were concerned. "The Man Who Kept the Secrets," was the title chosen by author Thomas Powers for his biography of Mr. Helms. In the judgment of Richard Helms, the CIA worked only for the president. He did not welcome congressional inquiry or oversight. In 1977 he pleaded no contest in a federal court to charges of failing to testify fully before Congress about the CIA role in the covert supply of money to Chilean anti Marxists in 1970 in an effort to influence a presidential election. "I found myself in a position of conflict," Mr. Helms said. "I had sworn my oath to protect certain secrets." He received a suspended two-year prison sentence and a $2,000 fine, which was paid in full by retired CIA agents. Six years later at a White House ceremony, Mr. Helms received the National Security Medal from President Reagan for "exceptionally meritorious service." He said he considered this award "an exoneration." His career at the CIA covered periods of searching for communists in the U.S. government and the Red Scare tactics of Sen. Joseph R. McCarthy (R-Wis.); the ill-fated CIA-sponsored Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, and plots against Cuban dictator Fidel Castro. It included the rending of the American social fabric and the antiwar protests of the Vietnam era, and it ended during the the Watergate crisis that ultimately ended the presidency of Richard M. Nixon. On leaving the CIA, Mr. Helms served three years as ambassador to Iran, then in 1976 ended his government service. As one of its ranking officers for most of the CIA's first 25 years, Mr. Helms helped form and shape the agency, and he recruited, trained, assigned and supervised many of its top agents. During the 1950s and early 1960s he held high positions in the division responsible for clandestine operations. " . . . He was a kind of middle man between the field and Washington policymakers, approving and even choosing the wording of cables to the field describing 'requirements'; and passing on concrete proposals for operations from the local CIA stations," Powers wrote in his biography of Mr. Helms. By 1958 he was second in command of covert operations when he was passed over for the directorship of that activity in favor of Richard M. Bissell Jr., who in 1961 would plan and direct the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion of Fidel Castro's Cuba. In this operation, a force of 1,200 CIA trained and equipped Cuban exiles attempted to retake the island from Castro, but the effort failed and most of the invaders were killed or captured. Mr. Helms, who by nature had been cool and skeptical toward covert operations on such a large scale, had kept his distance from the Bay of Pigs. But the fiasco proved to be Bissell's undoing and he retired amid the political fallout that followed. Mr. Helms replaced him in 1962, winning at last the position that had eluded him four years earlier. He became the CIA's deputy director for plans, the innocuous sounding title of covert action chief. With his new assignment he inherited a pressure campaign from the White House to get rid of Castro by other means. During the next several months the agency would contemplate schemes for Castro's overthrow or assassination, but none ever materialized. In 1965 Mr. Helms was named to the number two job at the agency, deputy director of Central Intelligence. Retiring CIA chief John A. McCone had campaigned to have Mr. Helms succeed him, but President Lyndon B. Johnson instead chose Navy Vice Adm. William F. Raborn, who lasted only 14 months in the job. In 1966 the president named Mr. Helms CIA director. He would serve longer as Director of Central Intelligence than anyone except Allen Dulles, the legendary spymaster who led the CIA from 1953 to 1961. As America's top spymaster, Powers wrote in his biography, Mr. Helms "is remembered as an administrator, impatient with delay, excuses, self-seeking, the sour air of office politics. Asked for an example of Helms' characteristic utterance, three of his old friends came up with the same dry phrase, 'Let's get on with it.' . . . Helm's style was cool by choice and temperment; his instinct was to soften differences, to find a middle ground, to tone down operations that were getting out of hand, to give faltering projects one more chance rather than shut them down altogether, to settle for compromise in the interests of bureaucratic peace." He tended to work regular hours, 8:30 a.m. to 6:30 p.m., and his desk was always cleared when he left the office at night. Mr. Helms kept a low public profile as CIA director, and he avoided publicity. But he lunched occasionally with influential figures in the media, and he was assiduous in cultivating the congressional support he needed to manage his agency. He made only one public speech during his years as CIA leader, telling the nation's newspaper editors that "the nation must, to a degree, take it on faith that we, too, are honorable men, devoted to her service." Richard McGarrah Helms was born in St. Davids, Pa., to a family of financial means. His father was an Alcoa executive and his maternal grandfather a leading international banker. He grew up in South Orange, N.J., and attended high school in Switzerland for two years. While there he became proficient in French and German. In 1935 he graduated Phi Beta Kappa from Williams College, where in his senior year he was president of his class, editor of the campus newspaper and the yearbook and president of the honor society. His life's ambition on leaving college was to own and operate a daily newspaper. In pursuit of that goal he paid his own fare to London where he became a European reporter for United Press. His assignments included coverage of the 1936 Olympic Games in Berlin. The following year he was one of a group of foreign correspondents to interview Adolf Hitler. Shortly thereafter he returned to the United States and took a job with the Indianapolis Times newspaper, where by 1939 he had become national advertising director. With the entry of the United States into World War II he joined the Navy, and in 1943 was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the U.S. wartime espionage agency that antedated the CIA. There he had desk jobs in New York and Washington and later in London. At the end of the war he was posted in Berlin, where he worked for Allen Dulles. Discharged from military service in 1946, he continued doing intelligence work as a civilian. When the U.S. wartime intelligence forces merged into the CIA in 1947, Mr. Helms became one of the architects of the new organization. During the 1950s, Dulles gave him special assignments from time to time. At the height of Sen. McCarthy's fervid hunts for communists inside the government, Mr. Helms headed a CIA committee to protect the agency against McCarthy's efforts to infiltrate the CIA with his own informers. The committee's job was to monitor reports of covert approaches to CIA officers by McCarthy agents and to plug any leaks. During the years there would be more assignments with domestic political implications. Early in Mr. Helms' directorship, as the war in Vietnam and the antiwar protests were both escalating, Johnson asked the CIA to determine whether antiwar activity in the United States was being financially or otherwise backed by foreign countries. In response to this request, the agency in 1967 launched a domestic surveillance program known as "Operation Chaos," which became the focus of intense controversy when it was disclosed publicly by The New York Times in 1975. With the election of Richard Nixon as president in 1968, White House involvement with the CIA only intensified. Even before the 1972 Watergate break-in at Democratic National Committee headquarters that led to Nixon's downfall, the White House had demanded and received CIA files on agency plots to assassinate foreign leaders during the Kennedy and Johnson administrations. These included Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo. But the relationship between Mr. Helms and Nixon was never smooth, and in November of 1972, shortly after he had been elected to his second term, the president summoned his CIA chief to a meeting at Camp David and asked him to resign. Nixon's reasons were never made public, but Power said in his biography that Mr. Helms was convinced "that Nixon fired him for one reason only - because he had refused wholeheartedly to join the Watergate cover-up." At the Camp David meeting, the president had asked Mr. Helms if he'd like to be an ambassador, and the two men had agreed on Iran. But during his three years in Iran, Mr. Helms would make more than a dozen trips back to Washington to testify before Senate committees investigating CIA activities during his directorship. Links between unsavory Nixon White House activities and the CIA, including the agency's lending of disguises to Watergate conspirator E. Howard Hunt and the CIA backgrounds of many of the Watergate burglars prompted an internal examination ordered by Mr. Helm's successor at the agency, James R. Schlesinger. This resulted in a 693-page compendium of agency misdeeds, including assassination attempts, burglaries, electronic eavesdropping and LSD testing of persons without their knowledge. William R. Colby, who succeeded Schlesinger as director of Central Intelligence, quietly briefed House and Senate overseers on the contents of the report, which became known in the agency as "the family jewels." The substance of the briefing did not surface publicly for two years, but it eventually did become known through a combination of press accounts, a presidential commission and congressional committees bent on public disclosure. Ultimately, the result was creation of permanent House and Senate oversight committees to monitor the CIA and all other U.S. intelligence agencies. In 1976 Mr. Helms returned from Tehran, retired from government service and became an international consultant. In 1939 Mr. Helms married Julia Bretzman Shields of Indianapolis. They separated in 1967 and divorced in 1968. They had one son, Dennis. In 1968 he married Cynthia McKelvie. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- October 24, 2002 Richard Helms, Ex-C.I.A. Chief, Dies at 89 Mr. Helms (left) in 1966 and (right) in 1973 with President Richard Nixon Richard Helms, a former Director of Central Intelligence who defiantly guarded some of the darkest secrets of the cold war, died of multiple myeloma today. He was 89. An urbane and dashing spymaster, Mr. Helms began his career with a reputation as a truth teller and became a favorite of lawmakers in the late 1960's and early 70's. But he eventually ran afoul of Congressional investigators who found that he had lied or withheld information about the United States role in assassination attempts in Cuba, anti-government activities in Chile and the illegal surveillance of journalists in the United States. Mr. Helms pleaded no contest in 1977 to two misdemeanor counts of failing to testify fully four years earlier to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. His conviction, which resulted in a suspended sentence and a $2,000 fine, became a rallying point for critics of the Central Intelligence, Agency who accused it of dirty tricks, as well as for the agency's defenders, who hailed Mr. Helms for refusing to compromise sensitive information. In the title of his 1979 biography of Mr. Helms, Thomas Powers called him "The Man Who Kept the Secrets" (Pocket Books). Mr. Helms's memoir, "A Look Over My Shoulder: a Life in the C.I.A.," is to be released in the spring by Random House. After he left the C.I.A. in 1973, Mr. Helms served until 1977 as the American ambassador to Iran, whose ruler, Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, was supported by the United States. He later became an international consultant, specializing in trade with the Middle East. Born on March 30, 1913, in St. Davids, Pa., Richard McGarrah Helms - he avoided using the middle name - was the son of an Alcoa executive and grandson of a leading international banker, Gates McGarrah. He grew up in South Orange, N.J., and studied for two years during high school in Switzerland, where he became fluent in French and German. At Williams College, Mr. Helms excelled as a student and a leader. He was class president, editor of the school newspaper and the yearbook, and was president of the senior honor society. He fancied a career in journalism, and went to Europe as a reporter for United Press. His biggest scoop, he said, was an exclusive interview with Hitler. In 1939 he married Julia Bretzman Shields, and they had a son, Dennis, a lawyer in Princeton, N.J. The couple were divorced in 1968, and Mr. Helms married Cynthia McKelvie later that year. She and his son survive him. When World War II broke out, Mr. Helms was called into service by the Naval Reserve and because of his linguistic abilities was assigned to the Office of Strategic Services, the precursor to the C.I.A. He worked in New York plotting the positions of German submarines in the western Atlantic. From the beginning, he worked in the C.I.A.'s covert operations, or "plans" division, and by the early 1950's he was serving as deputy to the head of clandestine services, Frank Wisner. In that capacity, in 1955, Mr. Helms impressed his superiors by supervising the secret digging of a 500-yard tunnel from West Berlin to East Berlin to tap the main Soviet telephone lines between Moscow and East Berlin. For more than 11 months, until the tunnel was detected by the Soviet Union, the C.I.A. was able to eavesdrop on Moscow's conversations with its agents in the puppet governments of East Germany and Poland. Over the next 20 years, Mr. Helms rose through the agency's ranks, and in 1966 he came the first career official to head the C.I.A. He served under such men as Allen W. Dulles, Richard M. Bissell, John A. McCone and Vice Adm. William F. Raborn. During most of his tenure as C.I.A. chief, Mr. Helms received favorable attention from lawmakers and the press, who remarked on his professionalism, candor, and even his dark good looks. That reputation grew after 1973, when Mr. Helms clashed with President Richard M. Nixon, who sought his help in thwarting an F.B.I. investigation into the Watergate break-in. When Mr. Helms refused, Mr. Powers wrote, Mr. Nixon forced him out and sent him to Iran as ambassador. But Mr. Helms soon found himself called to account for his own actions when the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence delved into the agency's efforts to assassinate world leaders or destabilize socialist governments. The committee, which was led by Senator Frank Church, Democrat of Idaho, accused Mr. Helms of failing to inform his own superiors of efforts to kill the Cuban leader Fidel Castro, which the Senate panel called "a grave error in judgment." A separate inquiry by the Rockefeller Commission also faulted Mr. Helms for poor judgment for destroying documents and tape recordings that might have assisted Watergate investigators. But the most contentious criticism of Mr. Helms centered on Chile. In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Helms insisted that the C.I.A. had never tried to overthrow the government of President Salvador Allende Gossens or funneled money to political enemies of Mr. Allende, a Marxist. Senate investigators later discovered that the C.I.A. had run a major secret operation in Chile that gave more than $8 million to the opponents of Mr. Allende, using the International Telephone and Telegraph Corporation as a conduit. Mr. Allende was killed in a 1973 military coup, which was followed by more than 16 years of military dictatorship. In 1977, Mr. Helms stepped down as ambassador to Iran and returned to Washington to plead no contest to charges that in 1973 he had lied to a Congressional committee about the intelligence agency's role in bringing down the Allende government. "I had found myself in a position of conflict," he told a federal judge at the formal proceeding after entering a plea agreement with the Justice Department. "I had sworn my oath to protect certain secrets. I didn't want to lie. I didn't want to mislead the Senate. I was simply trying to find my way through a difficult situation in which I found myself." The judge responded, "You now stand before this court in disgrace and shame," and sentenced him to two years in prison and a $2,000 fine. The prison term was suspended. Mr. Helms said outside the courtroom that he wore his conviction "like a badge of honor," and added: "I don't feel disgraced at all. I think if I had done anything else I would have been disgraced." Later that day he went to a reunion of former C.I.A. colleagues, who gave him a standing, cheering ovation, then passed the hat and raised the $2,000 for his fine. For a man who considered himself a genuine patriot, it was a bleak note on which to end his professional career. Mr. Helms believed he had performed well in a job that, although many Americans considered it sinister and undemocratic, was nevertheless a cold-blooded necessity in an era of cold war. Mr. Helms, who was allowed to receive his government pension, put his intelligence experience to use after his retirement. He became a consultant to businesses that made investments in other countries. He was known as a charming conversationalist, a gregarious partygoer and an accomplished dancer, and he and his wife continued to be familiar figures on the capital party scene. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE 23 October 2002 STATEMENT BY DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE GEORGE J. TENET ON THE DEATH OF AMBASSADOR RICHARD MCGARRAH HELMS With the deepest sadness, I have learned of the death of Ambassador Richard Helms. My thoughts and prayers are with his family at this time of grief. The United States has lost a great patriot. The men and women of American intelligence have lost a great teacher and a true friend. His service to country spanned more than half a century. But his career and contributions are not simply measured in history, they changed it. As a young Naval officer in the Second World War, Richard Helms found his place in American espionage. From that moment on, in posts of increasing responsibility, in times of conflict and in peace, he shaped the intelligence effort that has helped keep our country strong and free. As Director of Central Intelligence for almost seven years, he steered a bold and daring course, one that rewarded both rigor and risk. Clear in thought, elegant in style, he represents to me the best of his generation and profession. To the very end of his life, Ambassador Helms shared his time and wisdom with those who followed him in the calling of intelligence in defense of liberty. His enthusiasm for this vital work, and his concern for those who conduct it, never faltered. I will miss his priceless counsel and his warm friendship. But the name and example of Richard Helms will be treasured forever by all who work for the safety and security of the United States. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- HONORABLE RICHARD M. HELMS (Age 89) On Wednesday, October 23, 2002. Dear husband and friend of Cynthia R. Helms at his residence in Washington, DC. Father of Dennis and grandfather of Julia and Alexander; brother of Betty Helms Hawn, Pearsael Helms and Gates Helm; stepfather of Didi Anderson, Jill McKelvie Neilsen, Roderick McKelvie, Allan McKelvie and Linsday McKelvie Eakin and step-grandfather of 15. Service and burial at Arlington Cemetery mid-November, date and time to be announced. In lieu of flowers, donations may be made to CIA Memorial Foundation, created to provide benefits to the families of agents of the CIA killed in the line of duty, c/o Jeffrey H. 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From: garyag@ix.netcom.com (Gary Aguilar) Newsgroups: alt.assassination.jfk Subject: Richard Helms DID lie to the US Senate Date: 24 Apr 2003 20:51:35 -0400 Organization: http://groups.google.com/ Lines: 215 Approved: jmcadams@shell.core.com Message-ID: Return-Path: X-Original-To: jmcadams@panix.com Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1 Content-Transfer-Encoding: 8bit NNTP-Posting-Host: 166.84.1.2 X-Original-NNTP-Posting-Host: 166.84.1.2 X-Trace: 24 Apr 2003 19:57:13 -0500, 166.84.1.2 Path: news1.east.cox.net!cox.net!priapus.visi.com!news-out.visi.com!petbe.visi.com!upp1.onvoy!onvoy.com!newsengine.sol.net!mcadams.posc.mu.edu!panix2.panix.com!not-for-mail Xref: cox.net alt.assassination.jfk:241814 X-Received-Date: Thu, 24 Apr 2003 20:51:36 EDT (news1.east.cox.net) From time to time, some CIA hack trots out here to deny that Richard Helms had lied to the U.S. Senate about the role of the CIA in demolishing Chile's democracy to put in Pinochet's totalitarian, terroristic dictatorship. That question has again raised its head hereabouts, and so it's about time for a rerun on this one. A long time ago, I'd written Ed Dolan tht Helms had lied to the Senate, an act for which he pled no lo contendre, was convicted, and paid a fine and was given a stern lecture by the presiding judge and a suspended sentence. Dolan's was aggrieved, and that's where we pick it up: > What he told the Senate was true. You have no evidence otherwise. > Nothing at all, other than the fact it was widely reported that he was convicted for his Senate lie, that Time Magazine reported that Helms agreed he had misled the Senate, that the CIA's own inspectors said Helms' denials of the CIA's involvement in toppling Chile's Allende was "perjury," and that Jimmy Carter supported reports that Helms had lied. But that's nothing compared to your saying he didn't lie, is it? Helms' conviction made it the front page of The New York Times on its 5 November 1977 issue: "Helms Is Fined $2,000 and Given Two-Year Suspended Prison Term – U.S. Judge Rebukes Ex-C.I.A. Head for Misleading Panel." Time Magaziner said (on 11-14-77) that, "Asst. Attorney General, Ben Civiletti presented a 3-page, 'statement of facts' TO WHICH HELMS HAD AGREED...(which, among other things, said) that when Helms testified on 2/7/73 & 3/6/73 he was fully aware that the CIA in 1970 had secretly funded anti-Allende propaganda, financed groups opposed to Allende, applied economic pressure on Chilean military forces to thwart Allende's selection, and discussed with the ITT Corp. the support of candidates opposing Allende....But Helms had testified that the CIA had not tried to influence the election...." Thomas Powers, in "The Man Who Kept the Secrets--Richard Helms and the CIA", [New York, Alfred Knopf, 1979, p.299-] said, "With (CIA's) Colby's approval, (Inspector General William) Broe appointed a three-man team to examine Helms's testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and Church's subcommittee...The three men concluded that the CIA had certainly been heavily involved in Chile (which Helms had denied under oath before the Senate, and) thus establishing a discrepancy (between the truth and Helms's testimony). But when the team wrote its report it went a step further and flatly described Helms's testimony as PERJURY...". So you see, CIA investigators claimed that Helms' act was PERJURY. Imagine that! Are we to accept that The New York Times, Time Magazine and the CIA's investigators were all lying, Ed? But as expected, that "commie" rag, The Nation, fully elaborated on the fascinating affair. In the November 12, '77 'Nation' issue, it reported: "Helms was indeed in a difficult situation when he took the oath and testified to the Senate committee that the CIA he had headed had not acted to prevent Salvador Allende from assuming the office of President to which the people of Chile had elected him...if he (Helms) failed to tell the whole truth in that forum (The Senate), he would be liable under the "refusal of a witness to testify" section of the federal criminal code, EVEN IF HE ONLY MISLED THE SENATE OR EVADED THE QUESTIONS." "Helms on that day had an honorable way out of his dilemma (between violating his CIA secrecy oath and his duty to testify truthfully). He could have told the Senators that, in his view, his National Security Act oath had priority over the oath which he had just taken to tell the Senate the truth.... "That would have been an honest and forthright thing to do, but it would have spilled the beans. That action would have been taken as an admission that the CIA had in fact done the dark deeds with which it had been charged. One can only speculate about what the Senators would have done if confronted by Helms in such an upright posture...Given Congress's past record of obeisance to all the intelligence agencies whenever they breathe the term "national security," it is hard to imagine the Senators inflicting a hard rap on Helms's knuckles. "But the former CIA chief wanted it both ways. He wanted to SEEM TO TELL THE TRUTH WHILE NOT DOING SO, and of course HE WANTED TO GET AWAY WITH IT, BOTH PERSONALLY AND FOR THE SAKE OF THE SYSTEM OF SECRECY WHICH IS SUPPOSED TO PROTECT THE NATIONAL SECURITY. He failed to get away with this straddle because too much was known about the Chile operation, and so he found himself in court on what might have been a criminal charge of PERJURY (Oh no! The "P"-word!!) BUT WAS REDUCED, WITH THE APPROVAL OF THE PRESIDENT, TO A MERE MISDEMEANOR. "Enter the question of BLACKMAIL. This in not to accuse Helms of employing that crude protective device, but it must be said that he was in a position to threaten his superious with some extremely embarrassing disclosures. For he did not act alone in the matter of Chile. It is clear from the record that Henry Kissinger and the Forty Committed of the National Security Council, which he headed, were in this up to their ears. What the CIA did in its ultimately successful effort to get rid of Allende, thus subverting representative government in Chile and making a military dictatorship inevitable, had the enthusiastic approval of the Nixon White House. Helms was just one of the agents in this operation. But if he chose to tell all he wound have pulled the temple of intelligence down around everyone's heads." "The point is that all this dirty work was done in the name of national security. The true national security, correctly defined, was never involved....Senator Frank Church who was the chairman of the Senate's Select Committee on Intelligence, commented on the decision to allow Helms to plead nolo on a misdemeanor that he had "thought there was to be an end to the double standard of justice for the big shots" but that "apparently Helms was too hot to handle." (The Nation, 11/12/77) And on 11/19/77, The Nation reported, "The Helms case has now been settled by a bargain that led to a no-contest plea to the reduced charge of a misdemeanor--as against the crime of Perjury before Congress (WHICH HE CERTAINLY COMMITTED-SIC)--followed by a $2000.00 fine, a 2 year jail sentence (suspended) and a year of probation..." There was, in the whole affair, a "startling contrast between the words uttered in the courtroom and the phrases that fell from the lips of Helms and his high-powered lawyer on the courthouse steps. Inside the halls of justice Edward Bennett Williams, the lawyer, had begged the court for leniency for his client on the ground that he would carry "the scar of a conviction for the rest of his days." Outside the court, a trice later, as Helms and Williams talked to reporters, that "scar" had been miraculously changed into "a badge of honor", even a "banner," as the wily attorney put it. "The decicatrization of Helms belongs in the book of miracles for its speed, if not in *The Guinness Book of World Records* for its cynicism. For the truth is that there was never any doubt--pace the vaunted independence of our judiciary and of the judge in this case, Barrington Parker--that Helms would walk out of that court with only the faintest tap on the wrist for his lies to the Senate about the CIA's sinister $8 million involvement in the corruption of Chile's politics.....The QUID the government got for the QUO of Helms's agreement to enter a nolo plea to a misdemeanor was the avoidance of a trial to which the former CIA chief could have brought a heavy load of dirty linen for judicial laundering. Among others, Henry Kissinger's splattered shirts would have been revealed for all to see. "In order t avoid such a spectacle, the government went to extraordinary lengths, EVEN MANUFACTURING A "'CRIME' FOR THE OCCASION" TO WHICH HELMS COULD PLEAD HIS NOLO as Joseph l. Rauh Jr. points out in a letter to The Washington Post (11/9/77). It was "plea-bargaining run riot," Rauh writes. To spare Helms from having to plead to the crime of perjury, which certainly exists, the Justice Department charged him with, he pleaded to, and Judge Parker sentenced him for "a crime that doesn't exist." There is no such misdemeanor as failing to testify "fully, completely and accurately" before Congress....Rauh concludes, "that the law is only peripherally for them. The true lesson of Watergate has even now not been learned." "..(Judge Parker) even found it within him to declare that "From this day forward, let there be no doubt that no one in government is above the law." That is a variation on the theme expressed by Carter at his 1976 Convention, when he said: "It is time for our government leaders to respect the law no less than the humblest citizen, so that we can end the double standard of justice in America. I see no reason why big-shot crooks should go free while the poor ones go to gail." (Do you regard this as a treasonous juxtaposition?) Astonishingly, President Carter failed to 'stand by his man', Helms. As reported in *The Nation* on 11/26/77, "Carter seems to have stripped Richard Helms of the "badge of honor" which he and his lawyer, Edward Bennett Williams, had vaingloriously affixed to his breast outside the court that had just sentenced him (very lightly) for the "misdemeanor" of lying to the Senate about the dirty work in Chile. Carter put it plainly at his 11/10/77 press conference when he said, "No, it is not a badge of honor and a public official does not have a right to lie." Some, perhaps even Dolan, might take exception to my callling Helms act of perjury "Perjury." But that word, "perjury" came from the CIA itself, not me. Powers, incidentally, clarified the question of PERJURY rather neatly, and in a way that vindicated *THE NATION'S* representation: "Helms's part of the bargain was to plead nolo to two misdemeanor charges of violating a federal statute which made it an offense not to testify "fully and completely" before Congress. In addition, the Justice Dept. INSISTED THAT ITS STATEMENT WOULD CHARGE HELMS WITH HAVING "FAILED TO ANSWER THOSE QUESTIONS (PUT TO HIM BY STUART SYMINGTON ON 2/7/73-sic) FULLY, COMPLETELY AND ACCURATELY AS REQUIRED BY LAW." THE WORD "ACCURATELY" WAS NOT INCLUDED IN THE STATUTE GOVERNING HELMS'S PLEA. (Helms's attorney) Williams argued against its inclusion, but the JUSTICE DEPARTMENT INSISTED, SINCE THE REAL CHARGE AGAINST HELMS WAS THAT HE HAD LIED. TO DESCRIBE HIS CRIME IN MILDER TERMS WOULD ONLY INVITE PUBLIC REACTION. (Powers, T. p.303-304) *The Nation* had argued that Helms's misdemeanor conviction was for a felonious crime. That is, "HAVING "FAILED TO ANSWER THOSE QUESTIONS (PUT TO HIM BY STUART SYMINGTON BEFORE THE US SENATE ON 2//7/73) FULLY, COMPLETELY AND ACCURATELY AS REQUIRED BY LAW" is a felony charge, not a misdemeanor. (Failing to answer "fully and completely, period" CAN be charged as a misdemeanor. So when *The Nation* said that the US govt. went "to extraordinary lengths, even manufactruring a "'crime for the occasion" to which Helms could plead his nolo (plea)...It was 'plea bargaining run riot'...the Justice Department charged him with, he pleaded to, and Judge Parker sentenced him for 'a crime that doesn't exist. There is no such misdemeanor as failing to testify 'fully, completely and accurately' before Congress...Helms could have avoided all that 'anguish' by taking 'the honorable course' of refusing to discuss the CIA's role in Chile..." in his Senate testimony --but he apparently didn't do the "honorable thing", he tried to deceive Congress and, of course US citizens, on what he and the CIA had done in Chile, and he got caught. Thus it appears that Saint Richard Helms has been the innocent victim of the courts who held he had lied, of CIA agents who said his act was perjury, of the press who considered him decitful and deplorable, of the writer Powers, and even of President Jimmy Carter. Imagine that, Ed! Don't you see the makings of a real conspiracy here? Oh, but no, as you said, so it must therefore be true, that: "What he told the Senate was true. You have no evidence otherwise." Not a whit of evidence, just as you said. You win, Ed. Gary

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Richard Helms

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Richard Helms

 

8th Director of Central Intelligence

In office
June 30, 1966 – February 2, 1973

President

Lyndon B. Johnson
Richard Nixon

Preceded by

William Raborn

Succeeded by

James R. Schlesinger
 

Born

March 30, 1913(1913-03-30)
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

Died

October 22, 2002 (aged 89)

Richard McGarrah Helms (March 30, 1913–October 22, 2002) was the Director of Central Intelligence (DCI) from 1966 to 1973. He was the only director to have been convicted of lying to Congress over Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) undercover activities. In 1977, he was sentenced to the maximum fine and received a suspended two-year prison sentence. Despite this, Helms remained a revered figure in the intelligence profession. CIA Historian Keith Melton describes Helms as a professional who was always impeccably dressed and had a "low tolerance for fools."

Contents

[hide]

· 1 Biography

o 1.1 Career in intelligence

· 2 See also

· 3 Further reading

· 4 In the Media

· 5 External links

[edit] Biography

Helms was born in Philadelphia in 1913. In 1935, after he graduated from Williams College in Williamstown, Massachusetts, he got a job at the United Press in London. The depression in London, however forced Helms to find work in Germany, where he covered the Berlin Olympic Games; he had spent two of his high school years at the prestigious Institut Le Rosey in Switzerland where he learned to speak French and later Realgymnasium in Freiburg, where he became fluent in German. He joined the advertising department of the Indianapolis Times; within two years he was national advertising manager.

[edit] Career in intelligence

A 23 year-old Helms interviewed Adolf Hitler for UPI during the 1936 Olympics.

During World War II Helms served in the United States Navy. In 1943, he was posted to Secret Intelligence Branch of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS) because of his ability to speak German. In the aftermath of the war, he was transferred to the newly formed Office of Special Operations (OSO), where at the age of 33 he was put in charge of intelligence and counter-intelligence operations in Austria, Germany, and Switzerland.

The OSO became a division of the CIA when that organization was created by the National Security Act of 1947. In 1962 Helms became Director of Plans after the CIA's disastrous role in the attempted invasion of Cuba. After falling out with the Kennedys[citation needed], he was sent off to Vietnam where he oversaw the coup to overthrow President Ngo Dinh Diem. Following the assassination of John F. Kennedy, Helms was made Deputy Director of the CIA under Admiral William Raborn. A year later, in 1966, he was appointed Director.

Richard Helms, in the White House Cabinet Room, March 27, 1968.

The ease of Helms's role under President Lyndon Johnson changed with the arrival of President Richard Nixon and Nixon's national security advisor Henry Kissinger. After the debacle of Watergate, from which Helms succeeded in distancing the CIA as far as possible, the Agency came under much tighter Congressional control. Nixon, however, considered Helms to be disloyal, and fired him as DCI in 1973. Helms then served from 1973 to 1976 as US ambassador to Iran in Tehran.

Helms's ultimate undoing was the CIA's role, at Nixon's behest, in the subversion of Chile's socialist government (Project FUBELT), and the overthrow of that country's democratically elected president, Salvador Allende, on September 11, 1973. According to Helms, Nixon had ordered the CIA to support a military coup to prevent Allende from becoming president in 1970. However, following the assassination of Army Commander-in-Chief General René Schneider by elements of the military, public support swung behind Allende, and he took office in October 1970. Subsequently, the CIA funneled millions of dollars to opposition groups and striking truck drivers in a continuing effort to destabilize the Allende government.

During his ambassadorial confirmation hearings before the Senate, Helms was questioned concerning the CIA's role in the Chilean affair. Because the operations were still secret and the hearings were public events, Helms denied that the CIA had ever aided Allende's opposition. However, later information uncovered by the Church Committee hearings showed that Helms's statements were false, and he was prosecuted and convicted in 1977. He received a two-year suspended sentence and a $2,000 fine. He wore the conviction as a badge of honor, and his fine was paid by friends from the CIA.

In 1972, Helms ordered the destruction of most records from the huge MKULTRA project, over 150 CIA-funded research projects designed to explore any possibilities of mind control. The project became public knowledge two years later, after a New York Times report. Its full extent may never be known[citation needed].

In 1983, President Ronald Reagan awarded Helms the National Security Medal. After he died of bone cancer in 2002, Richard Helms was interred in Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

AMERICAN NATIONAL BIOGRAPHY

http://www.anb.org/articles/07/07-00799.html

 

 

Richard Helms. With President Lyndon B. Johnson, 8 April 1965.
Courtesy of the Lyndon Baines Johnson Library / National Archives and Records Administration.

 

 

Helms, Richard McGarrah (30 Mar. 1913-23 Oct. 2002), U.S. intelligence director, was born in Saint Davids, Pennsylvania, near Philadelphia, the son of Herman Helms, a district manager for the Aluminum Company of America, and mother Marion McGarrah. His maternal grandfather, Gates McGarrah, was a leading international banker. Helms was educated at schools both in New Jersey and in Switzerland and Germany. As a young student in Europe, Helms became conversant in French and German. He returned to the United States to attend Williams College in Massachusetts where in 1935 he graduated magna cum laude, double-majoring in English literature and history. Elected to Phi Beta Kappa, he served as class president and as editor of the college newspaper and yearbook, and he was voted "most likely to succeed" and "most respected" by his undergraduate peers.

Upon graduation from college Helms entered the field of journalism. Employed by United Press, he traveled in Europe and wrote about the Nazis as they began to seize power in Germany. He managed to meet and interview Adolf Hitler at a rally in Nuremberg in 1936. Helms was impressed by the dictator's pleasant manner as well as the well-managed political pageantry that accompanied his speeches, but was alarmed by Hitler's conversational references to war preparations. Helms returned to the United States and in 1937 began working as an advertising manager for the Indianapolis Times. In 1939 he met and soon married his first wife, Julia Bretzman Shields, a divorcée with two children. They had a son together.



OSS and CIA

After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, the U.S. Naval Reserve commissioned Helms as a lieutenant in July 1942; by August 1943 his foreign-language abilities had landed him in America's premier wartime intelligence organization, the Office of Strategic Services. He had OSS assignments in Britain, Luxembourg, and Germany. After the war Helms became a civilian employee in the War Department. In 1947 he transferred to the newly established Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), where he was assigned to the Directorate for Plans, the operations side of the CIA.

By the early 1950s Helms had risen to the position of deputy to the head of the Directorate for Plans. In 1955 he supervised the digging of a five-hundred-meter tunnel from West Berlin to East Berlin, from which U.S. intelligence was able to wiretap the main Soviet telephone links that connected Moscow to East Berlin. This operation was eventually discovered by the Soviets and used for disinformation against the West, but Helms's superiors were sufficiently impressed by the tunnel achievement to boost him up the CIA's career ladder.

During the administration of John F. Kennedy, Helms knew about but did not plan or guide the disastrous Bay of Pigs covert operation in 1961, designed to overthrow Fidel Castro, the leader of Cuba, and his Communist regime. When the presidential axe fell on those in charge of the failed operation, Helms escaped culpability and in 1962 was named head of the Directorate for Plans. He was immediately drawn into the ongoing goal of the Kennedy White House to free the Western Hemisphere from Castro's influence, either through further attempts to undermine his regime or by killing Castro himself. Although the degree to which President Kennedy is responsible for the assassination plot against Castro remains unclear, Helms returned from a visit to the White House with the belief that the president wanted Castro eliminated--the sooner the better. After initial attempts to assassinate Castro failed, Helms worked closely with the attorney general (and President Kennedy's brother) Robert Kennedy in planning covert actions by the CIA to overthrow Castro's rule in Cuba. The CIA's Director of Central Intelligence (DCI), Allen Dulles, assigned personnel in the Directorate of Plans to carry out the assassination; they in turn hired mafia bosses to assist in the effort. Several attempts against Castro's life were tried, including the use of exploding cigars and poison pills, but all failed--in large part because Castro proved elusive and well guarded by Soviet-trained security forces. When Helms inherited these operations against Castro as the new Directorate of Plans, he discontinued the overtures to the mafia but allowed the other plots to move forward--all unsuccessfully.

In 1965 Helms was named Deputy Director of the CIA, and in 1966 he headed the agency as Director of Central Intelligence. In this capacity he kept President Lyndon B. Johnson briefed on the war in Vietnam. Despite the United States' ongoing setbacks in the war, Helms initially enjoyed a close relationship with Johnson and visited with him regularly. Ongoing turbulence related to the Vietnam War put increasing strain on this relationship, however, and their meetings became fewer and fewer.

In 1968 Helms's first marriage ended in divorce, and the next year he married Cynthia McKelvie. Tall, dashing, and impeccably dressed, the spy chief Helms became a well-known figure around Washington. He was admired as an interesting conversationalist, a competent tennis player and social dancer, and an eager partygoer despite his reputation at work for being reserved and laconic.



Nixon

The administration of Richard M. Nixon sought to clamp down on leaks within the executive branch. To this end, President Nixon signed a master spy plan in 1970, allowing use of America's intelligence agencies for domestic espionage against Vietnam War dissenters. The top figures in American espionage, including Richard Helms and J. Edgar Hoover, advocated this plan of action (known as the Huston Plan, after Tom Charles Huston, the young White House aide who drafted it). The plan's objective was to covertly gather information about student protesters who opposed the war, then employ the Federal Bureau of Information (FBI) to conduct clandestine operations to foil the protesters. These operations mostly involved harassment activities, including the use of anonymous letters designed to discredit protester groups. Hoover--at the time the FBI's director--soon grew concerned that the Huston Plan might leak to the public and undermine his standing in the intelligence community; he voiced his objections to the plan to the president, who in turn rescinded his initial approval of the domestic spy plan. Helms, for his part, had not objected to this employment of the CIA for domestic intelligence operations.

Then came the Watergate scandal. Helms's relationship with President Nixon, never close, went into a rapid downward spiral as the DCI resisted efforts by the White House to enlist the CIA in a cover-up of the Watergate affair. The president wanted the CIA to support the argument that national security interests prohibited the Federal Bureau of Investigation from tracing Watergate funds to the White House. Helms refused. In 1973, as the relationship between Nixon and the DCI soured, the president fired him, but he did grant Helms's request to become U.S. ambassador to Iran. Helms served in Tehran from March 1973 until December 1976, leaving a year before Iran became engulfed in revolution.

As DCI, at the behest of Nixon, Helms had also worked to destabilize the democratically elected regime of Salvador Allende in Chile. Allende, whose friendly relationship with the Soviet Union did not mesh with Nixon's preference for Western leaders who were "ABC"--anybody but Communists--was killed during a coup on 11 September 1973. In 1973 during the course of the confirmation hearings for Helms's ambassadorship to Iran, a member of the Senate asked Helms if the CIA had tried to overthrow Allende. Helms replied, "No, sir." When the Senate subsequently discovered that in fact the CIA had been deeply involved in anti-Allende covert actions, its members were outraged and pursued the question of Helms's perjury in court. In 1977, Helms conceded before a federal district court in Washington, D.C., that he had misled the committee. He defended himself on grounds that he had a sworn obligation to keep the nation's secrets, but this argument begged the question of why he never informed the committee members at least privately about the operations. The court convicted Helms on misdemeanor counts of lying before a congressional committee while under oath. "You stand before this court in disgrace and shame," said Judge Barrington D. Parker, who fined Helms $2,000 but suspended his two-year sentence. Outside the courtroom Helms declared that he would wear his conviction "like a badge of honor." Helms's allies inside and outside the CIA quickly raised the money to cover his fine.

In 1975, Helms drew fire from a Senate special investigative committee led by Senator Frank Church of Idaho to probe allegations of CIA intelligence abuses. This committee uncovered Helms's perjury about the Allende actions. Among other charges, the committee also accused Helms of "cooking" or politicizing intelligence to suit the policy needs of the Nixon administration, an accusation that Helms denied. With respect to the earlier administration of Lyndon B. Johnson, the Church Committee gave Helms higher marks for warning President Johnson that the war in Vietnam was going badly and was likely to fail-warnings that the president ignored, however.

When he returned to Washington, D.C., from Iran in 1976, Helms started a private consulting practice that specialized in the Middle East. It was called the Safeer Company, adopting the Farsi word for "ambassador." He also wrote a book-length memoir. Helms died in Washington, D.C., succumbing to multiple myeloma at the age of eighty-nine.

Helms is widely regarded as one of the most memorable of the people to hold the office of DCI since its creation in 1947. He is often thought of by fellow intelligence officers as the "professional's professional," having been the first career intelligence officer to make his way to the top of the intelligence establishment. Helms was a strong proponent of espionage, but during his time as DCI he remained skeptical about the likely success of large-scale covert actions meant to manipulate political and economic events abroad. He felt that the outcome of large clandestine operations, like the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, was difficult to predict and could lead to unintended consequences. Although Helms's relationships with presidents Johnson and Nixon (along with Nixon's Secretary of State Henry Kissinger) were shaky and often strained, he was viewed by his peers in the intelligence community as an astute manager of espionage who was loyal to the CIA. Among intelligence officers, he remains one of the most popular figures in the history of American espionage.

 


Bibliography

Richard Helms's memoir, written with the assistance of William Hood, is entitled A Look over My Shoulder: A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency (2003). He was the central figure in a study of intelligence written by Thomas Powers, The Man Who Kept the Secrets (1979). His relations with the Church Committee are examined in Loch K. Johnson, Season of Inquiry: The Senate Intelligence Investigation (1985). Among the published interviews with Helms are one conducted in 1990 by Loch K. Johnson, "Spymaster Richard Helms," Intelligence and National Security 18 (September 2003): 24-44, and another conducted in 1988 by the CIA's Center for the Study of Intelligence, "Reflections of DCIs Colby and Helms on the CIA's 'Time of Troubles,' " CIA Oral History Archives, Studies in Intelligence 51 (September 2007): 11 and 21-28.



Loch K. Johnson

Posted: Sat Feb 27, 2010 7:50 pm    Post subject:

 

 

The easiest way for me to go through some of the relevant articles is to link them in the same order they were published. That is not necessarily in the correct order of events, but as the reporter Jack Anderson learned them. These revelations were coming out in the early 1970's. From a timing stand point, I first began meeting the Websters in 1977. Anderson, and other reporters' articles covered the CIA in both periods that relate to the Websters, the 1950's when they were both part of the agency, and the 1960's-70's when George was with ITT. The articles began in the 1970's when the Senate was scrutinizing both groups.

The first article deals with a memo leaked to Anderson. The article was published on 2-29-1972 His associate, Brit Hume, confirmed the validity of the document. It was written by Dita Beard. She was a tough as nails lobbyist that worked for ITT in DC. The memo indicates ITT made a substantial contribution to Nixon's renomination effort in return for favorable disposition of an anti trust suit the justice department had brought against them. ITT was buying influence and other documents do verify Nixon was instrumental in assuring a positive outcome for ITT.

Secret Memo Bares Mitchell-ITT Move



The above was an artist likeness of Dita Beard that appeared in a Harper's article.

ITT shredded documents and Dita Beard had left town by the next day. Numerous FBI offials were looking for her in multiple states. It's no surprise ITT denied any wrong doing. So did Mitchell and other members of the White House adminstration. Harold Geneen was furthering his influence and power as he continued to grow the conglomerate. Nixon makes multiple references to Geneen on the White House tapes. This was a corrupt company with a firm and inappropriate hold on the White House. McClaren was transferred out of the DOJ and had an unusual appointment to a judgeship where one wasn't needed. Cover up mentality in the part of Nixon's White House and cover up mentality on the part of ITT.


Harold Geneen ITT

 

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eveknowsthetruth



Joined: 16 Jan 2009
Posts: 191
Posted: Sun Feb 28, 2010 12:19 pm    Post subject:

 

 

Anderson wrote a daily column. There were numerous pieces or references to the Dita Beard memo and the Senate hearings. I am not going to run through the whole case, but want to point out certain patterns and behaviors.

Dita Beard left DC shortly after the memo was exposed. She had acknowledged the authenticity of her memo to multiple people. On March 2, 1972, she fled to Denver with FBI agents looking for her to issue a subpoena. The tactics that surfaced initially were to discredit her. They referenced drinking and even brought witnesses to the Senate hearings to describe her mental issues.

Dita at some point was admitted to the hospital in Denver with a heart ailment. The tactics changed. The White House sent E Howard Hunt to meet with Dita. He was in the disguise that the CIA had issued him and was used in his involvement in the Watergate break ins. The former CIA agent was one of the Watergate plumbers. Dita now had a lawyer paid for by ITT. A select group of Senators travelled to Denver to question her in her hospital room. The bottom line of her testimony was that she claimed part of the memo had been forged. There was plenty of I don't remember and denials. She made a miraculous recovery and was out of the hospital in a couple of days. She was reassigned to a position in Denver.


E Howard Hunt
Watergate Plumber

The meeting with Hunt is important reinforcing the connection between the Whitehouse, CIA, and ITT. It is obvious by what transpired that these groups had the clout and muscle to pressure an outcome. George Webster was in the telecommuications division and I don't think he would have had direct involvement in these dealings. He certainly would have knowledge how ITT handled it's affairs and bought and coerced results. Geneen compelled political donations from his exeutives and then told to recover it by padding their expense accounts. The company attitude and practice was to buy influence. It is important to point out that ITT put up the reward money in Joan's case. That is verifiable.

On the personal side, I can relate to this and George's demeanor. He often indicated money should influence decisions within the family, a subtle suggestion that offended me. The letter I discovered is another comparison I can make. My daughter testified that part of the letter had been forged. She left the courtroom and boarded a plane for some fun trip. Efforts to portray me in a similar fashion to the tactics used against Dita Beard to discredit are on going.

I'll try to get the next key article up later today.

 

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eveknowsthetruth



Joined: 16 Jan 2009
Posts: 191
Posted: Sun Feb 28, 2010 9:25 pm    Post subject:

 

 

The next article is the one that was released in the CIA Family Jewels through the FOIA. That copy was of poor quality and hard to read. This article was published on 3-8-1973. Joan was still in high school and residing at home at this time. The Watergate scandal had broken and of course that dominated political news. In my opinion, there were far more serious offenses going on. In a Helms document I posted some time back, he was concerned that the agency's cover firms and domestic activities might be exposed if the CIA was involved in the Watergate hearings.

Jack Anderson himself, ran into one of the Miami contingent at the airport in DC the weekend of the Chilean Embassy break in. His article reinforces the concern that the Watergate plumbers were also the culprits in the Embassy break in as well as 3 diplomats in NYC. In reading Anderson's book, he describes an incident where he may have been premature in disclosing information in a story. It involved then Sen Eagleton of Missouri who had been selected as McGovern's running mate. That incident predates this story. Anderson showed his character and credibility in that incident and reinforces how thorough and reliable he is as a source. He would not be putting his reputation on the line to print a story without due dilignce to find the facts. He was put on an "enemies" list in the White House, and was a problem for the less than scrupulous in DC.

The concept E Howard Hunt was contracted by ITT for activities spying on the Chileans is very plausible just looking on the surface. Hunt was former CIA. At the time he worked in the White House. Harold Geneen of ITT had an established relationship with the WH all the way to Nixon. John McCone, former DCI of the CIA was on the ITT board and was close to Geneen and government officials, as well as a close relationship to his successor, Richard Helms. The administration had already colluded to grant special favors to ITT in the antitrust suit, and ITT offered large sums in return. E Howard Hunt and an ITT attorney paid a visit to Dita Beard in Denver before she changed her story about the memo to the Senate hearing. ITT was really the only likely client to benefit from the break ins.

The FBI gave the Beard memo to ITT which is astounding to give them opportunity to try and discredit it. They should have been asking the questions and finding out what this corporation was doing, not give them a way out. The FBI passed the buck stating the memo was tranferred through White House staff. Another questionable FBI matter was their reported determination that the break in at the embassy was routine.

Chilean Break Ins Reflect Watergate

It's not the least bit surprising that ITT denied any connection or wrongdoing. The Allende government in Chile wanted to nationalize the telephone holdings of ITT. This was the telecommunications division where George worked. His job again was the director of the budget for the US Defense Department. Efforts to undermine the election of Allende began in the early 1960's. ITT funneled money into that effort giving the CIA cover as if they weren't involved. They were successful in keeping Allende out until 1970. Nixon was already obligated to Geneen and ITT.

Another connection was the fact that E Howard Hunt and James McCord, both former CIA and part of the group arrested for the Watergate break ins, were on the committee to re elect the president, Nixon. ITT made an enormous contribution to facilitate the convention and gained a favorable decision in the antitrust issue in return.

Another interesting detail about time to point out. There is something redacted from the Interpol Blue Notice submitted for Joan's disappearance. It is under the area of Joan's addresses and is in this time period. I don't know what it is. I knew all of the other addresses and locations.

 

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eveknowsthetruth



Joined: 16 Jan 2009
Posts: 191
Posted: Mon Mar 01, 2010 3:03 pm    Post subject:

 

 

The next article was written by a Washington Post staff writer. The Senate hearings and the focus on the administrations wrong doing received enormous attention obviously. Watergate was the biggest political scandal, and still is, bringing down a presidency.

The article describes a plan for intelligence gathering that involved break ins at foreign embassies. The claim the plan wasn't implemented does not ring true since this is exactly what happened. The idea was to increase the CIA's domestic role. That is not part of the charter granted to the CIA by the National Security Act of 1947, but I don't think rules were part of the thinking.

The other department referenced for greater involvement was the Department of Defense. This was George Webster's area of responsibility with ITT. Again, these plans went all the way to the Oval Office. Nixon was already in bed with Geneen and obligated for favors. Not only was there the contribution to the reelection committee, ITT was also funneling money into Chile to oppose Allende. George Webster was a money man. The CIA kept their hands clean using a cover firm, but also provided the avenues for ITT's effort.

Nixon Aide Proposed Espionage, Burglaries

Below is the list of the actors in Watergate and also suspect in the Chilean break ins. The 5 burglars were indicted along with Liddy and Hunt. Notice the association with th CIA and/or FBI. These men were pros. I want to also point out the reference to bugging phones. This is something I will bring out later.

There were 5 burglars arrested on June 17, 1972 at the Watergate offices of the Democratic National Committee:
Bernard L. Barker - a realtor from Miami, Florida. Former Central Intelligence Agency operative. Barker was said to have been involved in the Bay of Pigs incident in 1962.

1. Virgilio R. Gonzales - a locksmith from Miami, Florida. Gonzalez was a refugee from Cuba, following Castro's takeover.

2. James W. McCord - a security co-ordinator for the Republican National Committee and the Committee for the Re-election of the President. McCord was also a former FBI and CIA agent. He was dismissed from his RNC and CREEP positions the day after the break-in.

3. Eugenio R. Martinez - worked for Barker's Miami real estate firm. He had CIA connections and was an anti-Castro Cuban exile.

4. Frank A. Sturgis - another associate of Barker from Miami, he also had CIA connections and involvement in anti-Castro activities.

The five men were charged with attempted burglary and attempted interception of telephone and other communications.
The burglars were indicted by a Grand Jury on September 15, as were:

6. G. Gordon Liddy - from Washington, counsel to the Finance Committee to Re-elect the President, a former FBI agent, former Treasury official, and former member of the White House staff. During the investigation, Liddy refused to answer questions and was fired from his job.

7. E Howard Hunt Jr. - from Washington, a former White House consultant and CIA employee. Hunt was a writer of espionage novels and had worked on declassifying the Pentagon Papers.

ITT and the CIA ere components of Joan's investigation

 

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eveknowsthetruth



Joined: 16 Jan 2009
Posts: 191
Posted: Mon Mar 01, 2010 9:18 pm    Post subject:

 

 

THE NEXT SHOT ACROSS THE BOW!!!

I will be giving an interview about the 1981 Joan Webster unresolved murder. The interview will be on Wednesday, March 3rd at 9PM eastern. The show's host Denny Griffin is a former police officer and investigator. He and his producer have taken time to review documents and get an understanding of the case. The 90 minute live program "Seeking Justice" can be heard on the link below at airing, or can be accessed to hear later.

www.blogtalkradio.com/dennisngriffin

 

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eveknowsthetruth



Joined: 16 Jan 2009
Posts: 191
Posted: Tue Mar 02, 2010 11:43 am    Post subject:

 

 

Again, the staff writers on the post expanded on the scandal in Washington in an article on 6-10-1973 that had been exposed by Jack Anderson. The article descibes the incidents of domestic spying that were conistent with the plan Nixon approved, but denied it was implemented. The record clearly shows the plan or one like it was indeed implemented. I have left the article in total even though there are issues unrelated to the events that concern me most. It gives a good snapshot of the depth of the problem and what was going on at the time. History speaks for itself.

Bugging Said to Fit Rejected Spy Plan

The incidents begin with the situations we can all identify from Watergate. These are the break ins that show up if you search that topic. But the next string of events are related to the 4 break ins related to Chile. The beneficiary of those acivities is ITT. Again there are references to phones being bugged. James McCord contended he knew that embassy phones were tapped. McCord was one of the plumbers and he also sent 3 memos to Helms. Helms supressed those memos when the CIA was asked for documentation. That information is verified in the documents previously posted from the Helms collection in CIA papers.


James McCord

McCord was former CIA and had been hired as a security director for the committee to reelect the president. He was an electronics expert. I think it is fair to say of all of these guys that they got their skills and techniques from the CIA background whether they were still officially on that payroll or not. George and Eleanor Webster have to be viewed the same way as having unique training and background. In his position, McCord worked with E Howard Hunt, John Mitchell, and Gordon Liddy. The Chilean break ins can only be viewed as Nixon's obligation to ITT and Geneen. Geneen again pumped a sizeable sum into the reelection coffers.

It has to be repeated that George Webster was in the very division impacted by affairs in Chile. It would be derelict to ignore his CIA background in reviewing all of this. It is impossible to conceive the powers that be at ITT, Geneen and McCone, were ignorant of the "talent" and "asset" they had in their ranks. He was perfectly positioned to work with the numbers and his responsibility was the Department of Defense. George had also been there all through the 1960's during the ongoing efforts of the CIA and ITT to block Allende in Chile.

By this time Steve Webster was a college student. Anne Webster was preparing to head off to college. Joan was home still in high school.

 

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