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BEFORE ANY INVESTIGATION EVEN STARTED.... It's important to understand that from the
very beginning, officials of our government did not want a true investigation
and made every attempt to "make the public satisfied that Oswald was the
assassin."
There may be no other document that makes
it more clear that there was no interest in a true investigation by the highest
federal authorities and it was issued 2 just days after the assassination. A
memo prepared by Walter Jenkins reflects his conversation with J. Edgar Hoover
where
"The thing I am most concerned about,
and Mr. Katzenbach, is having something issued so that they can convince the
public that Oswald is the real assassin."
This conversation occurred on November 24,
1963, one day prior to Katzenbach's memo below. Meanwhile,
"The thing I am most concerned about,
and SO IS Mr. Katzenbach, is having something issued so that WE can convince the
pubic that Oswald is the real assassin." (HSCA, Volume 3, pp 471-473. This
memo was apparently prepared by
A third memo written by the FBI's Courtney
Evans on November 26th mentions that Hoover himself drafted the Katzenbach memo.
(North, "Act of Treason")
Memo from Nicholas deB. Katzenbach,
Deputy Attorney General November 25, 1963 MEMORANDUM FOR MR. MOYERS It is important that all of the facts
surrounding President Kennedy's Assassination be made public in a way which will
satisfy people in the 1. The public must
be satisfied that Oswald was the assassin; that he did not have confederates who
are still at large; and that the evidence was such that he would have been
convicted at trial. 2. Speculation
about Oswald's motivation ought to be cut off, and we should have
some basis for rebutting thought that this was a Communist conspiracy or (as the
Iron Curtain press is saying) a right-wing conspiracy to blame it on the
Communists. Unfortunately the facts on Oswald seem about too pat-- too obvious
(Marxist, 3. The matter has
been handled thus far with neither dignity nor conviction. Facts have
been mixed with rumor and speculation. We can scarcely let the world see us
totally in the image of the I think this objective may be satisfied by
making public as soon as possible a complete and thorough FBI report on Oswald
and the assassination. This may run into the difficulty of pointing to in-
consistencies between this report and statements by I think, however, that a statement that all
the facts will be made public property in an orderly and responsible way should
be made now. We need something to head off public
speculation or Congressional hearings of the wrong sort. Nicholas deB. Katzenbach Deputy Attorney General KATZENBACH MEMO
In 1967 it was Illegal for the CIA to operate within U S Territorial Boundries. Below is what they issued to the News Media on April 1. 1967.
DISPATCH
CLASSIFICATION
PROCESSING ACTION
TOP SECRET
MARKED FOR INDEXING TO
Chiefs, Certain Stations and Bases
X NO INDEXING REQUIRED INFO
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CAN JUDGE INDEXING FROM
The Director of Central Intelligence
MICROFILM SUBJECT
Countering Criticism of the Warren Report ACTION REQUIRED
- REFERENCES PSYCH
1. Our Concern. From
the day of President Kennedy's assassination on, there has been
speculation about the responsibility for his murder.
Although this was
stemmed for a time by the the end of
September 1964), various writers have now had time to scan the Commission's
published report and documents for new pretexts for questioning, and there has
been a new wave of books and articles criticizing the Commission's findings.
In most cases the critics have speculated as to the existence of some kind of
conspiracy, and often they have implied that the Commission itself was involved.
Presumably as a result of the increasing challenge to the Commission's
Report, a public opinion poll recently indicated that 46% of the American public
did not think that Oswald acted alone, while more than half of those polled
thought that the Commission had left some questions unresolved. Doubtless polls
abroad would show similar, or possibly more adverse, results.
2. This trend of opinion is a
matter of concern to the U.S. government, including our
organization. The members of the chosen for
their integrity, experience, and prominence.
They represented both major parties,
and they and their staff were deliberately drawn from all sections of the country.
Just because of the standing of the Commissioners, efforts to impugn their
rectitude and wisdom tend to cast doubt on the whole leadership of American
society. Moreover, there seems to be
an increasing tendency to hint that President
Johnson himself, as the one person who might be said to have benefited, was
in some way responsible for the assassination.
Innuendo of such
seriousness affects not only the individual concerned, but also the whole reputation of
the American government. Our
organization itself is directly involved:
among other facts, we contributed information to the investigation. Conspiracy
theories have frequently thrown suspicion on our organization, for example by
falsely alleging that Lee Harvey Oswald worked for us.
The aim of this dispatch
is to provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the
conspiracy theorists, so as to inhibit the circulation of such claims in other
countries. Background information is
supplied in a classified section and in a number of
unclassified attachments.
3. Action.
We do not recommend that discussion of the assassination ques- tion be
initiated where it is not already taking place.
Where discussion is active,
however, addressees are requested:
DISPATCH SYMBOL AND NUMBER DATE
9 attachments
h/w
4/1/67 1 - classified
secret
CLASSIFICATION
HQS FILE NUMBER 8 -
Unclassified
TOP SECRET
DESTROY WHEN NO LONGER
NEEDED CONTINUATION OF
CLASSIFICATION DISPATCH
SYMBOL AND NUMBER DISPATCH
TOP SECRET a.
To discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly elite contacts
(especially
politicians and editors), pointing out that the made as
thorough an investigation as humanly possible, that the charges of the critics are
without serious foundation, and that further speculative discussion only plays into
the hands of the opposition. Point
out also that parts of the conspiracy talk
appear to be deliberately generated by Communist propagandists. Urge them to
use their influence to discourage unfounded and irresponsible speculation. b.
To employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the critics.
Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose.
The unclassified attachments to this guidance should provide useful
background material for passage to assets. Our
play should point out, as applicable,
that the critics are (i) wedded to theories adopted before the evidence was
in, (ii) politically interested, (iii) financially interested, (iv) hasty and
inaccurate in their research, or (v) infatuated with their own theories. In the course
of discussions of the whole phenomenon of criticism, a useful strategy may be
to single out Epstein's theory for attack, using the attached Fletcher Knebel
article and Spectator piece for background.
(Although Mark Lane's book is
much less convincing than Epstein's and comes off badly where contested by
knowledgeable critics, it is also much more difficult to answer as a whole, as
one becomes lost in a morass of unrelated details.) 4.
In private to media discussions not directed at any particular writer, or
in attacking
publications which may be yet forthcoming, the following arguments should be
useful: a.
No significant new evidence has emerged which the Commission did not consider.
The assassination is sometimes compared (e.g., by Joachim Joesten and Bertrand
Russell) with the Dreyfus case; however, unlike that case, the attacks on the have been
convincingly identified, and there is no agreement among the critics. (A better
parallel, though an imperfect one, might be with the Reichstag fire of 1933, which
some competent historians (Fritz Tobias, A.J.P. now believe was
set by Van der Lubbe on his own initiative, without acting for either Nazis or
Communists; the Nazis tried to pin the blame on the Communists, but the latter
have been more successful in convincing the world that the Nazis were to
blame.) b.
Critics usually overvalue particular items and ignore others.
They tend to place more
emphasis on the recollections of individual eyewitnesses (which are less
reliable and more divergent -- and hence offer more hand-holds for criticism) and
less on ballistic, autopsy, and photographic evidence.
A close examination of
the Commission's records will usually show that the conflicting eyewitness
accounts are quoted out of context, or were discarded by the Commis- sion for good
and sufficient reason. c.
Conspiracy on the large scale often suggested would be impossible to con- ceal in the royalties, etc.
Note that Robert Kennedy, Attorney General at the time and John F.
Kennedy's brother, would be the last man to overlook or conceal any conspiracy.
And as one reviewer pointed out, Congressman Gerald R. Ford would hardly have
held his tongue for the sake of the Democratic administration, and Senator Russell
would have had every political interest in exposing any misdeeds on the part of
Chief Justice Warren. A conspirator
moreover would hardly choose a location for
a shooting where so much depended on conditions beyond his con- trol:
the route, the speed of the cars, the moving target, the risk that the assassin would
be discovered. A group of wealthy
conspirators could have arranged much
more secure conditions. d.
Critics have often been enticed by a form of intellectual pride:
they light on some
theory and fall in love with it; they also scoff at the Commis- sion because it
did not always answer every question with a flat decision one way or the
other. Actually, the make-up of the
Commission and its staff was an excellent
safeguard against over-commitment to any one theory, or against the illicit
transformation of probabilities into certainties.
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TOP SECRET e.
Oswald would not have been any sensible person's choice for a co- conspirator.
He was a "loner," mixed up, of questionable reliability and an unknown
quantity to any professional intelligence service. f.
As to charges that the Commission's report was a rush job, it emerged three months
after the deadline originally set. But
to the degree that the Commission
tried to speed up its reporting, this was largely due to the pressure of
irresponsible speculation already appearing, in some cases coming from the
same critics who, refusing to admit their errors, are now putting out new
criticism. g.
Such vague accusations as that "more than ten people have died
mysteri- ously" can
always be explained in some more natural way:
e.g., the indi- viduals
concerned have for the most part died of natural causes; the Com- mission staff
questioned 418 witnesses (the FBI
interviewed far more people,
conducting 25,000 interviews and reinterviews), and in such a large group, a
certain number of deaths are to be expected.
(When Penn Jones, one of
the originators of the "ten mysterious deaths" line, ap- peared on
television, it emerged that two of the deaths on his list were from heart
attacks, one from cancer, one was from a head-on collision on a bridge, and
one occurred when a driver drifted into a bridge abutment.) 5.
Where possible, counter speculation by encouraging reference to the Commission's
Report itself. Open-minded foreign
readers should still be impressed by
the care, thoroughness, objectivity and speed with which the Com- mission worked.
Reviewers of other books might be encouraged to add to their account the
idea that, checking back with the report itself, they found it far superior to the
work of its critics.
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CONTINUED (40) Document Number
1035-960 for FOIA Review
on SEP 1976 On 11/22/63 Hoover told the Dallas FBI office to NOT look for other suspects.
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