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INCREASE OR DECREASE FONT SIZE
NODULE 24
AFTER THE COUP
RICHARD M. NIXON
RUTH PAINE & MARINA OSWALD
NIXON AND HOOVER NOVEMBER 22, 1963
An FBI memo dated September 11, 1964, noted: "Late this
morning Miss Sally Haines of the
Research Department of The Readers Digest telephoned
to advise that the November 1964
issue of The Digest will contain excerpts from a
forthcoming book by RICHARD M. NIXON
entitled, 'Cuba, Castro and John F. Kennedy; Some Reflections
on American Foreign Policy.'
Miss Hanes stated that this condensed version of former Vice
President RICHARD NIXON'S
book contains one reference to the Director -- a brief
statement that shortly after President
Kennedy's assassination he (NIXON) telephoned the Director,
and the Director told him that a
'LEE HARVEY OSWALD who was known to the FBI as a member of
the pro-Castro Fair Play
for Cuba Committee was the assassin.' Miss Haines purpose in
calling was to advise us of this
reference to the Director in the November issue which will
soon be sent to the printer. As a
result of our close contacts with The Reader Digest,
members of its Research Department
regularly contact the Crime Records Division when an article
mentioning the Director or the
FBI is scheduled to appear in that magazine."
On February 20, 1967, the FBI generated a memo in regard to
an inquiry from F.N. Richmond
of 441 Southeast Second Street, Hialeah, Florida: "By
letter dated February 12, 1967,
(attached) Richmond refers to an article in the February 25,
1967, issue of the Saturday
Evening Post which
reports an interview with former Vice President RICHARD NIXON. In this
interview NIXON discusses the assassination of President
Kennedy and relates to a
conversation he had with Mr. Hoover on November 22, 1963.
According to NIXON he called
Mr. Hoover and asked, 'What happened? Was it one of the
nuts?' Mr. Hoover is reported as
saying 'No, it was a Communist.'" Richmond asked if Mr.
Hoover remembers the call from Mr.
NIXON and whether the statement attributed to Mr. Hoover was
correctly quoted.
"A review of Bufiles does not disclose a record of Mr.
Hoover's conversation with Mr. NIXON
on November 22, 1963; however the Directors Office does have
a record indicating Mr. NIXON
telephonically contacted Mr. Hoover about 4:00 p.m. November
22, 1963. During the
conversation with the Attorney General at 4:01 p.m. on
November 22, 1963, the Attorney
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General asked the Director if OSWALD was a Communist. Mr.
Hoover said OSWALD is not a
Communist but he has Communist leanings. Mr. Hoover told the
Attorney General it is entirely
possible OSWALD may have had some Communist sympathies but,
so far as we know, he is
not a member of the Communist Party."
ANALYSIS
NIXON'S recollection of this telephone conversation changed
over the years. In 1964 he said
that Hoover told him OSWALD was a member of the Fair Play for
Cuba Committee. In 1967
NIXON wrote that he telephoned Hoover and asked if it was a
right wing nut who assassinated
Kennedy. Hoover told him it was not a right-wing extremist,
it was a Communist. When Hoover
spoke with United States Attorney General Robert Kennedy a
minute later, he told him that
OSWALD was not a member of the Communist Party of the United
States. NIXON distorted
his telephone conversation with Hoover to disguise its real
purpose, which was to determine
the direction of the FBI's investigation.
NIXON AND THE BAY OF PIGS DOCUMENTS
In January 1969, immediately after assuming office, NIXON
called in aide John Ehrlichman
and told him he wanted all of the CIA's documents concerning
the Bay of Pigs. Richard Helms
was questioned about this: "My recollection is that
sometime between his being elected and
the next election, in other words, in about mid-term I guess
it would have been, he asked me
for some information about the Bay of Pigs and I think about
the Diem episode in Vietnam, and
maybe something about Trujillo in the Dominican Republic...He
made the request to me
through Mr. Ehrlichman."
ANALYSIS
NIXON was the White House action officer of the Bay of Pigs
invasion, so it was logical that he
would be interested in them.
H.R. Haldeman recalled that June 1969, John Ehrlichman
stopped by his office and told him:
"Those bastards in Langley are holding back something.
They just dig their heels in and say
the President can't have it. Period. Imagine that. The
Commander-in-Chief wants to see a
document and the spooks say he can't have it...from the way
they're protecting it, it must be
pure dynamite."
H.R. Haldeman reported the President summoned Richard Helms.
Richard Helms and NIXON
had a heated argument. Richard Helms refused to give NIXON
the documents. NIXON
subsequently told John Ehrlichman to forget about the CIA Bay
of Pigs documents.
ANALYSIS
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Documents about the Bay of Pigs invasion have been recently
declassified and nothing
startling has appeared. Why did the CIA refuse to give Nixon
these documents in 1969?
In 1970 Donald Kendall, and his associate, Augustin Edwards,
a Chilean Pepsi-Cola bottler,
met with NIXON to discuss the destabilization of the Salvador
Allende regime in Chile. In June
1971 NIXON discussed obtaining the Bay of Pigs documents with
H.R. Haldeman, John
Ehrlichman and Henry Kissinger. On September 18, 1971, NIXON
held another conference
about the Bay of Pigs documents. John Ehrlichman's notes:
"BAY OF PIGS / Order to CIA /
President is to have full files or else. Nothing withheld.
President was involved in Bay of Pigs /
President must have full file deeply involved. Must
know all facts." The Bay of Pigs invasion
took place five months after Nixon left office. How deeply
involved could he have been? A
memorandum dated October 7, 1971, to NIXON, generated after
John Ehrlichman met with
Richard Helms for 20 minutes, stated: "The President
wants to see all the documents
requested. He recognizes that many are sensitive and could
damage the Agency if used by the
wrong people, even Richard Helms suggests, some White
House Staff." HUNT was on the
White House Staff at this time.
On October 8, 1971, John Ehrlichman met with NIXON and
Richard Helms. His notes read:
"Purpose of Presidential request for documents: must be
fully advised in order to know what to
duck. Won't hurt
agency nor attack predecessors."
ANALYSIS
How could NIXON have been held responsible for the Bay of
Pigs? What charges did he have
to duck? Was NIXON talking about the Bay of Pigs
invasion or was he talking about the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy?
John Ehrlichman was contacted in November 1993: "NIXON
was interested in the Bay of Pigs
because it was one of Kennedy's conspicuous failures. No, it
was not a veiled reference to the
Kennedy assassination. I just don't know anything about that
part. I never heard NIXON say
anything like that. He was concerned because Richard Helms
had been a part of the Bay of
Pigs, and was now the Director of the Central Intelligence
Agency. He was concerned to know
what Kennedy had, and had not, done."
ANALYSIS
Richard Helms was not involved in the Bay of Pigs. This was
why President John F. Kennedy
appointed him DD/P.
NIXON AND WATERGATE
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When NIXON won the 1968 Republican Presidential nomination,
Jack Caufield headed his
Security staff. Edgardo Buttari and BERNARD BARKER ran
"Cubans for NIXON/Agnew" in
Miami.
THE THEORY
On June 17, 1972, NIXON was informed that Dealey Plaza team
members STURGIS,
McCORD and BARKER had been arrested. When news reached him
that BARKER had
HUNT'S White House telephone number on his person, NIXON
became alarmed. NIXON
knew HUNT was the key to the assassination of President John
F. Kennedy.
On June 23, 1972, NIXON breakfasted with two former members
of the Warren Commission,
Gerald Ford and Hale Boggs. HEMMING: "Who would use the
Dealey Plaza team to do a third
rate burglary? Risk the whole operation on the DNC? These are
people willing to kill people.
These are people that have killed fucking people. These are
people in the business of killing
people. This is serious shit. Here they are doing a third
rate burglary. Jesus Christ!"
HUNT was asked by the SSCIA when he first met NIXON:
"Met with him, I never met with him.
I have met him on several occasions but I never had a private
seance with him. I met him first
at Harvey's restaurant in about 1953, and I next saw him in
Montevideo where I interpreted for
him for a while. I was CIA Station Chief down there and we
were waiting for General Walters to
arrive, and I served as an interpreter. I next saw President
NIXON at a formal White House
reception. He recalled, or said he recalled our previous
meetings and I told him I was now
working for Chuck Colson and he said, yes, I know all about
that."
Baron: While you were in the NIXON White House you did not
have a direct line to the
President?
HUNT: I never met the President.
THE THEORY OF THE SECRET OF THE BAY OF PIGS
This researcher was the first to discover that when NIXON
referred to the Bay of Pigs, he was
really referring to the Kennedy assassination. On June 23,
1972, NIXON called H.R. Haldeman
into his office. The White House tapes:
NIXON: O.K., just postpone (scratching noises)
(unintelligible). Just say (unintelligible) very
bad to have this fellow HUNT, ah, he know that? If it gets
out that this is all involved, the Cuba
thing would be a fiasco. It would make the CIA look bad, and
it is likely to blow the whole Bay
of Pigs thing which we think would be very unfortunate, both
for the CIA and for the country, at
this time, and for American foreign policy. Just tell him to
lay off. Don't you?
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Haldeman: Yep, that's the basis to do it on. Just leave it at
that.
NIXON: I don't know if he'll get any ideas for doing it
because our concern political
(unintelligible). Helms is not one to (unintelligible). I
would just say, lookit, because of the
HUNT involvement, basically this...
Haldeman: Yep, good move.
ANALYSIS
NIXON wanted Richard Helms to suppress the Watergate
investigation since it led to Dallas.
The first thing on his mind was HUNT: "Just say very bad
to have this fellow HUNT, ah he
know that?" What does "ah he know that" mean?
The words were "Helms knows that." NIXON
continued: "If it gets out that this is all involved,
the Cuba thing would be a fiasco." If it was
revealed that HUNT was involved in the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy, America
would realize OSWALD'S alleged connection to Fidel Castro was
bogus and "It would make
the CIA look bad..." HUNT was a CIA Staff member when he
was involved in the assassination
of President Kennedy, "and it is likely to blow the
whole Bay of Pigs thing," and it would expose
the conspiracy to assassinate President Kennedy, "Which
we think would be very unfortunate,
both for the CIA and for the country, at this time, and for
American foreign policy." This would
destroy the effectiveness of the CIA, and would hurt
America's anti-Communist foreign policy.
NIXON added, "at this time," because he believed
that in retrospect, the American people
would thank him for having been part of the conspiracy to
assassination President Kennedy.
NIXON: "Just tell him to lay off, don't you." Tell
Richard Helms to make sure the investigation is
quashed, "won't you?" Finally, NIXON told H.R.
Haldeman that he hoped Richard Helms didn't
think he was just playing politics, and that even if HUNT
were exposed, the secret of the
assassination of President John F. Kennedy would not be
revealed. He then instructed H.R.
Haldeman to impress upon Richard Helms the danger of exposing
HOWARD HUNT to public
scrutiny.
In another conversation later that day NIXON told H.R.
Haldeman: "When you get in, when you
get in [to see the CIA people] say; 'Look the problem is that
this will open the whole, the whole
Bay of Pigs thing, and the President just feels that' ah,
without going into the details, don't,
don't lie to them to the extent to say there is no
involvement, but just say this is a comedy of
errors, without getting into it, the President believes that
it is going to open up the whole Bay of
Pigs thing again."
ANALYSIS
NIXON instructed H.R. Haldeman to tell the CIA that HUNT'S
arrest could reopen an
investigation into the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy. NIXON did not deny that he
was involved in the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy, and admitted he made had
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an error in judgement when he used the same crew in
Watergate: "a comedy of errors."
NIXON knew that when HUNT'S photograph was published someone
might recognize him as
one of the tramps. Clearly, NIXON was referring to something
other than the Bay of Pigs
invasion.
H.R. Haldeman: "The President believes that it is going
to open up the whole Bay of Pigs thing
again." Assuming Nixon was referring to the Bay of Pigs invasion
why would HUNT'S arrest
have opened up the whole Bay of Pigs thing again? HUNT
claimed that all he did was prepare
the radio messages for the Bay of Pigs invasion. John
Ehrlichman was asked why HUNT'S
arrest would blow the Bay of Pigs: "I think that was a
contrivance. I don't think NIXON really
thought that. I think he was trying to come up with what
somebody might say to justify
interfering with HUNT'S arrest, in other words, an excuse to
get involved in the matter...
sometimes he didn't think of very good excuses."
Later that afternoon H.R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman met
with Richard Helms and the
Deputy to the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency,
Vernon Walters, who had been
appointed in May 1972. Each of these men, in 1973, had a
different recollection of the details
of the meeting.
RICHARD HELMS
Richard Helms testified that H.R. Haldeman asked him to have
FBI Director L. Patrick Grey
quash the Watergate investigation to prevent the FBI from
running into a CIA operation.
Richard Helms said he refused to do this. Richard Helms:
"He [Haldeman] also at that time
made some what to me was an incoherent reference to an
investigation in Mexico, or an FBI
investigation, running into Bay of Pigs. I do not know
what the reference was alleged to be, but
in any event, I assured him that I had no interest in the Bay
of Pigs that many years later, that
everything in connection with that had been dealt with and liquidated
as far as I was aware and
I did not care what they ran into in connection with that. At
some juncture in this conversation,
Mr. Haldeman then said something to the effect that it has
been decided that General Walters
will go an talk to Acting Director Grey of the FBI and
indicate to him that these operations -
these investigations of the FBI might run into CIA Operations
in Mexico and that it was
desirable that this not happen and that the investigation,
therefore, should be either tapered off
or reduced or something, but there was no language saying
stop, as far as I recall"
ANALYSIS
Richard Helms said that H.R. Haldeman mentioned an
"investigation in Mexico." NIXON'S
reelection committee laundered campaign contributions through
Mexico. Richard Helms said H.
R. Haldeman told him the Mexican money laundering operation
"ran into" the Bay of Pigs.
These events had occurred 11 years apart. Richard Helms
claimed he was confused: "I do not
know what the reference was alleged to be" but
admitted Bay of Pigs was a reference to
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something other than to the aborted Cuban invasion. Had
Richard Helms told H.R. Haldeman
to tell NIXON not to worry about the Bay of Pigs, that all
the evidence had been destroyed or
doctored, witnesses had been liquidated and he did not
care if HUNT'S identity was exposed
to the public? In his Ervin Committee testimony, and during
his HUNT v. ajweberman
deposition, Richard Helms used words such as
"terminate," "disposed of," "you may suddenly
rise from that seat and ascend to Heaven."
Later that afternoon Richard Helms testified: "I recall,
as I said earlier this morning, that Mr.
Haldeman made some reference to the Bay of Pigs; I referred
to it as an incoherent reference
because it was frankly, in my recollection, I don't know
exactly what he, what point he had in
mind, but I reacted to that question very firmly. Now the Bay
of Pigs is the rubric for a very
unhappy event in the life of the CIA. A dead cat that has
been thrown at us over the years ever
since and, therefore, it is one to which I am likely to react
rather quickly, for the simple reason
that the Bay of Pigs was long since over, the problems
arising from it had been liquidated. I
was well aware of this, and I didn't care what any
investigation had to do with the Bay of Pigs
that could have gotten into anybody involved with it, about
it, below it or above it, I didn't care,
and I was trying to make it clear to Mr. Haldeman on that
occasion. The fact that some of those
people who broke into the Watergate had at one time had
relationship with the Agency,
including Martinez who had them up until just a few days
before, didn't make any difference to
me. I mean there was nothing that anybody was going to find
out about investigating them that
was going to bother us as far as I was aware." [Ervin
Hearings p3275]
ANALYSIS
Either Richard Helms was deliberately playing dumb or he was
genuinely unaware of the CIA's
connection to the assassination of President John F. Kennedy
- an unlikely possibility. In May
1979 Richard Helms was questioned about this meeting:
Q. All right. Do you recall having a meeting on June 23,
1972, with Mr. Haldeman and Mr.
Ehrlichman and Deputy Director Vernon Walters?
A. You mean the meeting that came about as a result of the
so-called 'smoking pistol?'
Q. Something to that effect.
A. Most publicized meeting in history.
Q. Perhaps. Perhaps.
A. Yeah, I do. I do recall that one.
Q. Do you recall whether or not the individuals who were
representing the White House
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interests were concerned about the exposure of Mr. HUNT'S
involvement with the Bay of Pigs
and with the Agency?
A. Well, the two White House representatives were Haldeman
and Ehrlichman and I don't, I
obviously, memory is very fallible, but I don't recall Mrs.,
Mr. HUNT'S name ever coming up in
connection with the meeting...I was not distressed. I was
attempting to be emphatic. I did not
like Mr. Haldeman attempting to blackmail me by indicating in
some fashion or other that by
raising the Bay of Pigs it was going to frighten me into
doing something that they wanted us to
do and I wanted to get this stopped, this whole approach, and
so I was emphatic in my reply to
him, that I didn't care about the Bay of Pigs, which is true
to this day, as it was then, and
Haldeman's effort in his book, to tie the Agency into
Watergate, I regard as disreputable."
H.R. HALDEMAN'S VERSION
Watergate Counsel Fred Thompson asked H.R. Haldeman how
Richard Helms responded to
his statement that other unrelated CIA activities would be
exposed. H.R. Haldeman responded,
"The only area where there was a response to that, and
it was in my interpretation sort of a
curious response, was on the CIA problem, question of whether
there was a CIA problem with
relation to the Bay of Pigs, and on that one Mr. Helms jumped
very rapidly and very
defensively to say, 'That is of no concern at all. We don't
want to get into that at all.' It was sort
of a different reaction than the flat and calm reaction that
there had been no CIA involvement
in Watergate. There was - well, it's not germane." In The
Ends of Power, H.R. Haldeman
wrote: "The President asked me to tell you this entire
affair may be connected to the Bay of
Pigs and if it opens up, the Bay of Pigs may be blown.
Turmoil in the room, Helms gripping the
arms of his chair leaning forward and shouting, 'The Bay of
Pigs has nothing to do with this! I
have no concern about the Bay of Pigs!' Silence. I just sat
there. I was absolutely shocked by
Helms' violent reaction. Again I wondered, what was such
dynamite in the Bay of Pigs story?
Finally I said, 'I'm just following my instructions, Dick.
That is what the President told me to
relay to you.' Helms was settling back. 'All right' he said.
But the atmosphere had changed.
Now, surprisingly, the two CIA officials [Helms and Vernon
Walters] expressed no concern
about the request that Walters go see FBI Director L. Patrick
Grey..."
ANALYSIS
According to H.R. Haldeman, when Richard Helms realized that
NIXON was going to use
HUNT'S involvement in the Kennedy assassination to quash the
investigation of Watergate, he
became violently angry, but he calmed down and realized NIXON
was right. Richard Helms
agreed to help cover up Watergate.
WHITE HOUSE TAPES
The White House tapes supported H.R. Haldeman's version. When
he reported to NIXON at
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the Oval Office at 2:20 p.m., H.R. Haldeman told NIXON:
"No problem, Grey called Helms and
said, 'I think we've run right in the middle of a CIA
operation.'" NIXON did not believe Richard
Helms would have acted so expeditiously: "Grey said
that?" Haldeman answered: "Yeah, and
(?) said nothing we've done at this point and ah (?) says
well it sure looks to me like it is (?)
and ah, that was the end of that conversation. (?) [I told
them] the problem is that it tracks back
to the Bay of Pigs and it tracks back to some other leads run
out to people who had no
involvement in this, except by contacts and connection, but
it gets to areas that are liable to be
raised. The whole problem (?) [revolves around] HUNT. So at
that point he kind of got the
picture. He said we'll be happy to be helpful (?) handle
anything you want. I would like to know
the reason for being helpful, and I made it clear to him he
hasn't going to get explicit (?)
generality and he said 'Fine.' And Walters (?) Walters is
going to make a call to Grey. That's
the way he put it, and that's the way it was left."
VERNON WALTERS' VERSION
Vernon Walters' version supported H.R. Haldeman's account:
"On June 23, 1972, at 1:00 p.m.
Haldeman asked me to call L. Patrick Grey and tell him to
stop the Watergate investigation."
Richard Helms had Vernon Walters call L. Patrick Grey, and
Richard Helms spoke with L.
Patrick Grey himself; in a memorandum dated June 28, 1972,
Richard Helms informed Vernon
Walters: "Acting FBI Director Grey telephoned me this
morning to cancel our meeting
scheduled for 2:30 p.m. this afternoon...I...made two points
to Acting Director Grey:
(1) That I would appreciate his calling off interviews with
(deleted) and (deleted) (this he
agreed to do). (2) That (deleted)[STURGIS] was no CIA agent
and that we had no ties to him. I
stated that our last verifiable contact with him was in
(deleted). Grey confirmed that this was
the same (deleted) about whom he was inquiring as soon as I
identified the gentleman as the
(deleted)."
Richard Helms told L. Patrick Grey that he was going out of
the country, but Vernon Walters
would meet with him. Richard Helms advised Vernon Walters:
"It is up to the FBI to lay some
cards on the table. Otherwise we are unable to be of help. In
addition, we still adhere to the
request that the FBI confine itself to the personalities
already arrested or directly under
suspicion and that it desist from expanding this
investigation into other areas which may well,
eventually, run afoul of our operations." [RR p200; CIA
FOIA #2698-2]
ANALYSIS
Richard Helms told L. Patrick Grey precisely what NIXON had
told him to say.
H. R. HALDEMAN AND THE SECRET OF THE BAY OF PIGS
H.R. Haldeman mulled over NIXON'S references to the Bay of
Pigs. It was often suggested
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that President Kennedy was killed because of the Bay of Pigs.
In The Ends of Power, he
wrote: "It seemed that in all those NIXON references to
the Bay of Pigs NIXON was actually
referring to the Kennedy assassination." In May 1993
H.R. Haldeman was contacted by
telephone: "I don't remember that I did say that. My
problem is I don't remember in my own
mind connecting the Bay of Pigs and the Kennedy
assassination. I know that obviously
Kennedy was connected with the Bay of Pigs, and I know there
was some strange connection
that got into the tapes on the Watergate thing of my
mentioning the Bay of Pigs to Helms, I
don't remember now and I don't know that I was referring to
the assassination then." H.R.
Haldeman was read the quotation in question: "What that
has to be is Joe DiMona, my
coauthor, not me. But I left it in, so I have to take
responsibility for it. I don't make that
connection myself." H.R. Haldeman was asked: "Where
did he get this idea?" He answered: "It
beats the hell out of me. DiMona had a lot of ideas. DiMona
had a lot of CIA contacts and all
that so..." It was pointed out to H.R. Haldeman that
NIXON became very upset when he
discovered HUNT had been exposed to public scrutiny. He
answered: "For some reason he
knew that pushed a button with the CIA." It was pointed
out to H.R. Haldeman that HUNT was
present in Dallas, disguised as a tramp. He stated:
"This is all beyond my knowledge and
purview. I see where you're wandering around and probably
DiMona was too, and he may
have been working with the same theory you were, I don't
know. I can't help you with it." H.R.
Haldeman, 67, died of stomach cancer on November 12, 1993.
HEMMING told this
researcher: "NIXON was talking about where the same
people are doing shit right on up
through, and pointing to, the Kennedy assassination."
Marina Oswald asked this researcher:
"What do you think the 16 minutes of erased tapes are
talking about? The Kennedy
assassination."
STURGIS AND THE SECRET OF BAY OF PIGS
STURGIS believed NIXON'S references to the Bay of Pigs
concerned the assassination of
President John F. Kennedy: "Several times NIXON asked
Helms for the Kennedy
assassination files but Helms refused to give it to him;
refused a direct order from the
President. I believe NIXON would have uncovered the true
facts in the assassination of
President Kennedy and that would have taken off the heat in
Watergate, because NIXON
wanted the files the CIA felt they had to get rid of him.
NIXON was lucky he wasn't killed.
Assassinated like President Kennedy." STURGIS told the
same "exclusive" story to Steve
Dunleavy of the National Star and to Malcolm Abrams of
the Midnight Globe. STURGIS said
that Watergate was a plan to set up NIXON by the CIA because
NIXON had asked for
information on the Kennedy assassination that would indicate
Castro was behind it. STURGIS
also named Robert Bennet as "deep throat."
OLIVER STONE AND THE SECRET OF THE BAY OF PIGS
In 1995 Oliver Stone suggested that NIXON was involved in the
assassination of John
Kennedy. John Erlichman reacted: "Stone has NIXON
dragging the chains of JFK's
assassination with him. I saw no signs of this. The only time
I recall Nixon raising the subject
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was the day Bobby Kennedy announced for President in 1968.
NIXON and I were in a hotel in
Oregon, watching television. NIXON shook his head. 'I was in
Dallas just before Jack was shot'
he said 'and that was bad. But this' - he motioned toward the
T.V. - 'is going to unleash wild
forces that can only be worse for the country. Stone also has
me asking Haldeman about
NIXON'S 'thing' regarding the Bay of Pigs. Haldeman explains
that the fixation is connected to
JFK'S murder. He and I said nothing of the kind, then or
ever." [Newsweek 1.8.96] The NIXON
Foundation commented: "The charge that the 37th
President of the United States had any
knowledge of, and indirect moral and operational
responsibility in the murder of the 35th
President of the United States is so reprehensible that it
should render wholly illegitimate any
text or narrative in which it is contained."
HUNT BLACKMAILS NIXON
As stated, HUNT blackmailed NIXON for $1 million. The White
House tapes:
NIXON: Let me put it this way, let us suppose that you get
the million bucks, and you get the
proper way to handle it. You could hold that side?
Dean: Uh-huh.
NIXON: It would seem to be worthwhile...my point is, do you
ever have any choice on HUNT?...
I don't think we need to go into every (adjective deleted)
thing HUNT has done...There is
nothing in it for HUNT. Let me ask you this (?)[Will the
Watergate Grand Jury go back over
everything he's done prior to that time?] There might be
something?...We protected Helms
from one hell of a lot of things. Of course this HUNT, that
will uncover a lot of things. You open
that scab there's a hell of a lot of things and we just feel
that it would be very detrimental to
have this thing go any further...Yeah, but the point that I
make is this, is really of course you
know, it's the limits of his testimony...If he testifies just
on the Watergate that's fine. Your major
guy to keep under control is HUNT...I think. Because he
knows...about a lot of other things
[This line was transcribed in the White House's version of
the tapes as "Your major guy to
keep under control is HUNT?...I think...Does he know a
lot?"]...But at the moment, don't you
agree that you better get the HUNT thing?...HUNT, of course,
who is most valuable in my
opinion, might, uh, blow the whistle...and his price is
pretty high, but at least ah, we should buy
the time on that...For Christ sakes get it..."
ANALYSIS
HUNT'S silence about the conspiracy to kill President Kennedy
was worth $1 million and
NIXON told John Dean: "It would seem to be
worthwhile." What choice did NIXON have? "Do
you ever have any choice on HUNT?...I don't think we have to
go into every [illegal] thing
HUNT has done." NIXON wondered if HUNT would testify
about the assassination of President
John F. Kennedy before a Grand Jury: "What's in it for
him?" He asked Dean if the Watergate
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Grand jury would delve in HUNT'S past since: "There
might be something...you open that
scab..." NIXON wasn't worried about Watergate: "If
he testifies just on the Watergate that's
fine. Your major guy to keep under control is HUNT...because
he knows about a lot of other
things...Of course this HUNT, that will uncover a lot of
things [Dealey Plaza]." In a televised
address NIXON said he considered long and hard whether he
should pay blackmail to HUNT
because of HUNT'S threat to expose "a potential national
security problem of serious
proportions." At this time NIXON claimed he knew of none
of HUNT'S activities other than the
Ellsberg break-in.
NIXON'S SECOND TERM: CARL SHOFFLER AND EDMUND CHUNG
On November 7, 1972, NIXON was reelected in a landslide,
carrying 49 states. Carl Shoffler,
one of the arresting police officers at Watergate, advised
the Ervin Committee that in January
1973, a week before the Watergate trial began, Edmund Chung,
an acquaintance, approached
him about the arrests. Carl Shoffler and Edmund Chung had
served together at the U.S. Army
Security Agency in Warrenton, Virginia. Carl Shoffler
testified that Edmund Chung suggested
he was in some way involved with those arrested, and appeared
to be seeking some
unspecified assistance. Carl Shoffler said that Edmund Chung
indicated that he was going to
make a report on his three-hour meeting with Carl Shoffler,
and that his people would not be
pleased unless he cooperated. Carl Shoffler met with Edmund
Chung again in mid-April 1973.
Carl Shoffler stated that Edmund Chung asked him if there was
any way Watergate could be
made to look like a set up, and suggested that Carl Shoffler
might say that he had prior
knowledge of the prospective arrests. Edmund Chung allegedly
offered Carl Shoffler a large
sum of money. Carl Shoffler told this researcher: "There
was a conflicting viewpoint on that. My
interpretation of his offer was different than his feeling
toward the offer. The one thing that is
clear to both sides was that there was an offer made. The
perception of why the offer was
made was in dispute." Carl Shoffler had no idea who was
behind Edmund Chung.
The Senate Select Committee on Campaign Activities
interviewed Edmund Chung. Edmund
Chung denied any knowledge of efforts either to conceal facts
related to Watergate, or to
induce others to alter their testimony. He said he called
Carl Shoffler after seeing his name in
the newspapers and had dinner with him. Edmund Chung told the
staff that there was a
second evening spent with Carl Shoffler in mid-April 1973,
but that on this occasion, Carl
Shoffler did not have much to say about Watergate and seemed
obsessed with the idea that
Edmund Chung was a CIA agent. Edmund Chung denied being a CIA
employee. The
employer of Edmund Chung, the U.S. Army Security Agency, was
interviewed about him. His
superior advised that the military duties of Edmund Chung had
been classified and that
Edmund Chung held a Top Secret Crypto clearance. Edmund
Chung's superior claimed he
was unaware of a Chung/CIA connection. [Minority Report SSCIA
Investigation of Advance
Knowledge of Illegal Political Espionage.]
WATERGATE CONVICTIONS
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On January 15, 1973, five of the seven Watergate defendants
pleaded guilty, hoping to avoid a
wider investigation. STURGIS, BARKER, Rolando Martinez and
Virgilio Gonzalez were asked
by Judge John Sirica if pressure had been put on them by
higher-ups to enter this plea. They
were asked if they had received any payments from the White
House. They replied negatively.
BARKER indicated he was prepared to implicate no one in the
conspiracy beyond HUNT,
whose name was already linked to Watergate. On January 30,
1973, the two remaining
Watergate defendants, G. Gordon Liddy and McCORD, were
convicted.
On June 4, 1973, the CIA's Office of the Inspector General
noted the existence of a "MFR from
(Deleted). Subject: (Deleted) Knowledge of Those Connected
With The Watergate Affair.
Attach. List of names he had contact with in Watergate
Affair. (Deleted) Gonzalez, HUNT,
McCORD, BARKER, Martinez." [DCI 1973 File Review IG File
#24 Tab 11]
On October 20, 1973, NIXON dismissed Archibald Cox, the
Watergate Special Prosecutor who
pressed for the White House tapes. United States Attorney
General Elliot Richardson and his
deputy, William Ruckelshaus, were also dismissed in what has
come to be known as 'The
Saturday Night Massacre.'
THE DEATH OF BEVERLY KAYE
While their disposition was being debated by Congress and the
Courts, the White House tapes
were kept in the safekeeping of White House Secret Service
Agent Stephen Bull. On
December 22, 1973, the secretary of Stephen Bull, Beverly
Kaye, 42, told her co-workers she
was feeling ill. A White House physician was summoned, and
was accompanying her
downstairs in an elevator, when she reportedly collapsed. She
died, according to doctors at
George Washington Hospital, of a massive stroke. [Wash.
Post 12.22.73] On August 5, 1974,
NIXON released the White House tapes. Four days later, on
August 9, 1974, NIXON resigned,
and Gerald Ford became President.
THE WARREN COMMISSION AND WATERGATE
NIXON wanted former Warren Commission Counsel Arlen Spector
for his Watergate defense.
He settled on Herbert J. Miller. In 1954 Herbert J. Miller
was the former deputy of Richard
Bissell. In this capacity he was involved with the U-2.
[Powers, Man Who Kept the Secrets,
p120] In the late 1950's Herbert J. Miller was part of a law
firm retained by the Board of
Monitors of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters. In
1961 Herbert J. Miller , the thirdranking
U.S. Assistant Attorney General, was appointed head of the
Criminal Division of the
Justice Department by United States Attorney General Robert
Kennedy. In 1964 Herbert J.
Miller became the liaison between the Justice Department and
the Warren Commission. [WCR
p479] Warren Commission consultant, Leon Jaworski, became a
Watergate Special
Prosecutor. Warren Commission Counsel Joe Ball became an
attorney for John Ehrlichman,
and Warren Commission Assistant Counsel Charles N. Schaffer
became co-counsel to
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Watergate defendant John Dean. John Dean was represented by
Bernard Fensterwald's
associate, Robert McCandless, as well as Charles N. Schaffer.
[Schorr, Daniel Clearing The
Air pub. 1978]
NIXON AND WILLIAM C. SULLIVAN
William C. Sullivan, the head of the Domestic Intelligence
Division of the FBI, played a key role
in the cover-up of the assassination of President John F.
Kennedy. William C. Sullivan advised
J. Edgar Hoover on the aspects of the assassination that led
to ANGLETON, NIXON,
HEMMING and the CIA. In late November 1963 William C.
Sullivan was going to circulate, at
government expense, posters of OSWALD, which depicted him as
a leftist. H.R. Haldeman
reported that when William C. Sullivan was called before the
Warren Commission to testify,
"the CIA literally erased any connection between the
Kennedy assassination and the CIA. In
fact ANGLETON called William C. Sullivan and rehearsed the
questions and answers that they
would give."
In the early 1960's William C. Sullivan initiated OPERATION
HOODWINK, a program that
targeted the Communist Party. The purpose of HOODWINK was to
persuade members of
organized crime that Communist Party was after them. This was
intended to provoke mafia
attacks on the Communist Party. By the late 1960's HOODWINK
became COINTELPRO, a
dirty tricks operation directed primarily against the New
Left. [FBI 92-6054 NR 8.17.67] In 1969
William C. Sullivan became the middleman in the NIXON
Administration's special wiretaps
program on 13 government officials and four newsmen. William
C. Sullivan took transcripts of
these wiretaps to White House aide Robert C. Mardian for
safekeeping. At this time, NIXON
hinted to William C. Sullivan that he planned to drop J.
Edgar Hoover, and name a new FBI
Director. William C. Sullivan supported this move, since he
believed that J. Edgar Hoover put
too many restrictions on the war against domestic dissidents.
An FBI document dated
February 17, 1975, Aides Initial: WRS Intelligence Coverage
Domestic and Foreign Cabinet 6
Drawer 1 Folder X stated: "Internal memoranda setting
forth FBI technical and microphone
coverage on black extremists and New Left Subjects and
organizations for background in
connection with Hoover's meeting with Richard Helms, Director
of the CIA, Admiral Noel A.
Gaylor, Director of the National Security Agency, and the
Attorney General. Memoranda from
Hoover reporting results of meeting wherein Helms desired to
discuss broadening operations
particularly of the very confidential type. Hoover reports he
was no enthusiastic about such
extensions by the FBI in view of hazards involved. Helms was
to make an in-depth review of
what he and Gaylor wanted and thereafter would call for
another meeting." NIXON claimed
that the reluctance of J. Edgar Hoover to fight domestic
dissidents was the reason he formed
the White House/Special Operations Group. J. Edgar Hoover,
however, forced William C.
Sullivan, 56, out of the FBI on September 30, 1971. On
October 8, 1971, NIXON discussed the
J. Edgar Hoover problem with Attorney General John Mitchell:
"For a lot of reasons he oughta
resign...He should get the hell out of there...maybe I could
just call him and talk him into
resigning...If he does go, he's got to go of his own
volition...that's why we're in a hell of a
problem...I think we've got to avoid any situation where he
can leave with a blast..."
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THE DEATH OF J. EDGAR HOOVER
J. Edgar Hoover died on the evening of May 1, 1972, at his
home in Washington, D.C. His
housekeeper discovered his body alongside his bed at 9:00
a.m. The Justice Department said
he died of natural causes. No autopsy was performed. J. Edgar
Hoover, age 77, succumbed to
high blood pressure; he had been suffering from a heart
ailment for some time. In November
1973 Mark C. Frazier interviewed Watergate burglar Felipe De
Diego. Mark C. Frazier tricked
Felipe De Diego into obliquely acknowledging having
burglarized the home of J. Edgar Hoover.
[Harvard Crimson 11.10.73] Researcher Tony Summers
reported that in 1988 STURGIS said
that Felipe De Diego told him about a break-in at the home of
J. Edgar Hoover immediately
after his death: "Felipe told me about it. I suspected
the CIA was behind it. I told him, 'I guess
our friends probably wanted to go over there and see what
kind of documents Hoover had
stashed away.'" When Tony Summers asked STURGIS if he
had been involved, he said: "I'm
not saying 'yes' to my involvement. Let me say 'no' to that.
It opens up a can of
worms." [Summers Secret Life J. Edgar Hoover p416]
The FBI reported: "Subject BERNARD
L. BARKER'S bank account showed large sum of money in his
account in May 1972
amounting to $89,000. BARKER withdrew money in cash."
[139-4089-311] The White House/
Special Operations Group was interested in the death of J.
Edgar Hoover. STURGIS,
BARKER, Humberto Lopez and Pablo Fernandez attacked
demonstrators at his funeral.
Humberto Lopez told the FBI that he was "secretary of
the Authentico Party headed by Carlos
Prio Soccarras...He stated that the Authentico Party's office
is located next to the office of
BERNARD BARKER Associates. He advised that he has been on
speaking terms with
BERNARD BARKER for several years. He stated that, upon the
death of John Edgar Hoover
and upon learning that Mr. Hoover would lie in state on May
3, 1972, BARKER asked him as a
representative of the Authentico Party to be his guest and go
to Washington, D.C. to pay
respects to the Director. Lopez stated he thought this was an
excellent idea, as he was a great
admirer of Mr. Hoover, and accepted the invitation. He stated
that while in Washington, D.C.,
there was a brief melee with a hippie group who were engaged
by the Miami contingent, but
that no arrests were made although there was some press
coverage to the incident... The
following individuals stayed at the motel with him: Pablo
Fernandez, Angel Ferrer, Reinaldo
Pico, and FRANK FIORINI. The others he believed stayed in an
older hotel which was located
relatively close, namely BARKER, Martinez, V. Gonzalez, H.
Gonzalez, and De Diego. Lopez
explained that other than his work with the Authentico Party
he does not consider himself an
activist, and other than his slight relationship with BARKER,
he was never closely associated
with any other individual in this group. He advised that,
while he believed BARKER paid the
fare and lodging, he was given his ticket by Rolando
Martinez, and that his hotel room which
was single was also paid for by Martinez. He believed that
his airline ticket and hotel
registration was under the name Manuel Garcia. Relative to
his background, he stated he was
employed in the Ministry of Government under Dr. Grau in
Cuba. In August 1960 he sought
asylum in the Embassy of Brazil and stayed there until March
1, 1961, when he received
asylum in Venezuela and was at the Embassy in Venezuela until
he entered the United States
on September 10, 1962, and was assigned INS # 11261938."
[FBI 139-4089-34, 6.30.72]
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INFORMATION CONCERNING REINALDO PICO RAMON
During the period of November 1, 1963, to December 31, 1963,
BERNARD BARKER'S
Operational Progress Report indicated: "The following
disseminations of Subject's production
were made during the reporting period:
a. (Deleted) 3986 (cable) from Reinaldo Pico: Unification of
Activities by Manolo Ray.
b. (Deleted) 4004 (pouch): Cover sheet data.
c. (Deleted)4041 (cable) from Reinaldo Pico. Plans of Ray and
Cisneros to Infiltrate Cuba for
JURE.
e. (Deleted) (pouch) from FRANK FIORINI: Possibility that
Harvey Manning Participated in Air
Strike over Cuba. [CIA FOIA D002246]
The CIA's Inspector General's Office generated these index
cards:
COHEN, Clement E. (DELETED)
Reinaldo PICO Ramon
TIME-LIFE
Justo Manuel CHINEA
HATHWAY, Gardner
DDO/WH FILE REVIEW
IG File 36, Tab 10
Memo for Chief/WHD from Gardner R. Hathaway C/WH/3
Subj: Personalities Mentioned in (Deleted) 20590 (re:
biographic information)
----------
Halper, Sam
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November 17, 1972
(Deleted)
Time Magazine
Pico, Reinaldo
DDO/WH FILE REVIEW 74
IG FILE 36, Tab 10
Caracas 20590 to Director. Subject: Attempt of Sam Halper of Time
to Prove that CIA
Engaged in Hostile Activity Against Time.
GARDNER R. HATHAWAY
Gardner Hathaway was a forty year veteran of the CIA who
became its Counter-Intelligence
Chief in 1984. He joined the CIA in 1950 and was assigned to
the Soviet/East European
Division. By the late 1950's he was running ops against the
Poles out of Berlin. In 1964
Hathaway served in Brazil during the U.S. backed overthrow of
President Juan Goulart. From
1967 to 1972 he was posted to Rio de Janeiro and Buenos
Aires, and served through
numerous military dictatorships. By 1973 he was Chief of
Station in Montevideo . In July 1974
he was transferred to Argentina where he worked with the
death squads in arranged the
murders of the "disappeared." [Counterspy SU
1980] As CI Chief, Hathaway handled the
defection of Vitaly Yurchenko in 1984. In 1987 he testified
in trial of Clayton Lonetree, the
Marine accused of spying for the Soviets. Hathaway was
involved in the Edward Lee Howard
flap. Instead of going to the FBI, Hathaway recommended that
ex-CIA Agent Howard see a
psychiatrist. Hathaway was reprimanded by CIA Director R.
James Woolsey for his handling of
the Aldridge Ames case. [Wash. Post 10.20.94] He
retired on February 22, 1990.
AMES ON ANGLETON
The New York Times stated: "'The culture in which Mr. Ames flourished was
shaped by a
reaction to Mr. ANGLETON'S excesses,' Mr. Woolsey said,
'Skittish of smearing innocent
people, the Agency did not police itself properly.' On this
point Mr. Woolsey and Mr. Ames
agree: the legacy of witch hunts made it extraordinarily
difficult for the Agency to conduct an
effective mole hunt... 'You would wind up with people
throwing up their hands and saying 'I
can't do it,' Mr. Ames said. 'You would wind up with JIM
ANGLETON doing ANGLETONIAN
things. People would be fired all the time for no grounds.
You've got two or three or four
thousand people running around doing espionage. You can't
monitor it. You can't control it.
You can't check it. And that's probably the biggest problem
with an espionage service. It has to
be small. The minute you get big, you get like the KGB or you
get like us.'" [NYT 7.28.94]
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ANALYSIS
Aldridge Ames was a serial killer. The information he
supplied the Soviets led to numerous
arrests, murders and disappearances. Ames would have been too
frightened to do what he did
when ANGLETON had still been Chief of CI because he might
have been investigated
arbitrarily, for example, if ANGLETON was investigating
everyone whose name began with "A."
If Ames had acted as mole for the Soviets he would have been
detected after ANGLETON
received the first allegation about him from a woman CIA
employee in November 1989: "A
woman employee of the Agency who knew Ames well reported that
he had bought an
expensive house and was living beyond his means. The
informant also knew that Ames had
access to the compromised Soviet cases in which agents had
disappeared. And she knew
Ames well enough to know that Rosario's family was not
wealthy. Based on this information,
Dan Payne, a young CIA investigator assigned to the mole
hunting unit, began a financial
inquiry into Ames lavish spending." [Wise, Nightmover,
p187] That month Ames was
reassigned to the Counter-Intelligence Division. He could
have been appointed to the mole
hunting committee that CIA Director William Webster had
appointed, which was led by
Hathaway. If this had occurred Ames would never have been
detected because he would have
been in charge of investigating himself. The CIA did not turn
the investigation over to the FBI
until the summer of 1993. The CIA covered up this penetration
for four years. The Ames case
leaves little doubt that the CIA has engaged in cover ups
that were against the interest of the
American people.
WILLIAM C. SULLIVAN
In June 1972 William C. Sullivan received a call from
Attorney General Richard G. Kleindienst,
inviting him to return to Washington and help establish an
National Narcotics Intelligence
Office within the Justice Department. [Unger, Sanford FBI]
Less than a year after leaving the
FBI William C. Sullivan was back, working with FBI Director
L. Patrick Grey. When L. Patrick
Grey resigned, under fire for destroying Watergate documents,
William C. Sullivan was
considered for FBI Director, but Clarence Kelley got the job
instead. The appointment of
Clarence Kelley came as a surprise to William C. Sullivan. On
March 13, 1973, NIXON told
John Dean he was going to destroy the image of the late J.
Edgar Hoover. William C. Sullivan
was the key to this scheme. John Dean told NIXON that William
C. Sullivan would cooperate if
he got back into the Bureau. John Dean then suggested William
C. Sullivan's "desire in life is
to set up a domestic national security intelligence
program" and that "you could put him out in
the CIA or someplace..." NIXON: "We will do it.
There is no problem with William C. Sullivan.
He is a valuable man."
William C. Sullivan never got a position with the CIA, and he
returned to New Hampshire,
where he was hired by the Atomic Energy Commission.
Researcher Tony Summers reported:
"In 1975 William C. Sullivan responded in opaque fashion
to a question from a Congressional
Committee about OSWALD. Asked whether he had seen anything in
the files to indicate a
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relationship between OSWALD and the CIA, William C. Sullivan
replied, 'No...I think there is
something on that, but you asked me if I had seen anything. I
don't recall having seen anything
like that, but I think there is something on that point...it
rings a bell in my head.'"
THE DEATH OF WILLIAM C. SULLIVAN
William C. Sullivan died in a hunting accident on November 9,
1977, just before he was
scheduled to testify before the HSCA. He was mistaken for a
deer and shot in the neck by
Robert Daniels, the son of a Corporal in the New Hampshire
State Police. The FBI did not
investigate the accident. The investigation was conducted by
the New Hampshire Fish and
Game Department. Robert Daniels was charged with shooting a
human being mistaken for
game and plead nolo contendere. He was fined $500 and
his hunting license was suspended
for ten years. The Soviet News Agency Tass speculated that it
was a strange story that William
C. Sullivan was killed in a hunting accident, and claimed
William C. Sullivan held files which
might have shed light on the assassination of President John
F. Kennedy. In November 1977
HSCA investigator James P. Kelly was told by Tim Ingram of
the House Government
Operations Subcommittee that William C. Sullivan had informed
him that some of his records
had been destroyed in a barn fire at the home of his sister,
near Bolton, Massachusetts.
[HSCA Memo Kelly to Fenton 4.28.78]
ANALYSIS
The death of William C. Sullivan was accidental. No link
could be established between Daniels
and the intelligence community.
THE CANCELLATION OF THE 1972 ELECTIONS
In 1970 a rumor was printed in William Howard's Newhouse
News Service weekly gossip
column about a Rand Corporation study done for the NIXON
Administration to determine the
feasibility of canceling the 1972 election if radicals
threatened to disrupt it. The Wall Street
Journal wrote on
April 24, 1970, that rumors of the study were hard to spike. The New York
Times reported:
"Rumors were heard in April and spread quickly across the country that the
Rand Corporation was preparing a secret study on the
implications of cancellation of the 1972
election." Henry S. Rowan of the Rand Corporation
released this statement carried by The
Wall Street Journal on May 13, 1970: "The Rand Corporation has not
undertaken such a study.
It does not contemplate making such a study, nor has it been
approached by anyone with a
proposal for such a study."
HENRY S. ROWEN
Henry S. Rowen was the President of the Rand Corporation at
the time this rumor was
circulating. Rowan was a former professor at Stanford
University who joined the Rand
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Corporation. He was a former member of the Kennedy
Administration, having served as Paul
Nitze's deputy in the Pentagon. Rowen was chairman of the
CIA's National Intelligence Council
from 1981 to 1983, under DCI William Casey. He was a
consultant to the CIA from 1983 to
1989. He was also on the staff of the Hoover Institute in
1986. From 1989 to 1991, he was
assistant secretary for international affairs. Seymour Hersh
reported: "...Kissinger telephone
Henry Rowan, president of Rand Corporation and asked him to
put together list of possible
options for the Vietnam war. Rowan put Daniel Ellsberg in
charge. By this time Ellsberg and
the Rand Corporation as a whole were widely regarded inside
the bureaucracy as having gone
'dovish' on Vietnam. Kissinger had insisted that Rand's
involvement in the policy be kept a
secret, a condition to which Ellsberg and Rowan agreed.
Ellsberg was fresh from researching
a detailed history of American involvement in the Vietnam War
that had been assembled in the
Pentagon, at McNamara's direction, by a team headed by Morton
Halperin and Leslie H. Gelb,
then deputy director of the planning staff. Ellsberg
consulted with Halperin and Gelb on the
Kissinger option study, in which he analyzed contingencies
ranging from an invasion of North
Vietnam to unilateral withdrawal..." After Ellsberg
released the study that he had conducted for
the Pentagon in June 1971 - the Pentagon Papers - Henry
Rowan, Leslie Gelb, Morton
Halperin and Robert McNamara appeared on NIXON'S enemies
list.
MEMO REGARDING CANCELLATION OF THE 1972 ELECTIONS
In or about July 1970, Sidney Zion of Scanlan's Magazine obtained
this alleged memorandum:
Memorandum page 2 of 4 pages
CONFIDENTIAL March 11, 1970
THE VICE PRESIDENT
WASHINGTON
and the Rand team agrees that a judicious leak of a general
nature concerning segment alpha
of their study for the C/E [Counter-Espionage?], that
relative to holding no national elections in
1972, to the media (selected, of course) at the right time to
test the water, so to speak, is a
vital step in the eventuation of their scheme. However, under
no, repeat no, circumstances is
any information regarding segment beta of their study, the
repeal of the Bill of Rights, to be
made public.
New Developments:
A- Let's call this one "Operation U.S.A. All The
Way." We've spoken to some of our key
contacts in labor and broadly hinted (without any definite
promise although I believe that we
will have to deliver eventually) that the administration
would back protectionism, repudiate the
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substance of the Kennedy Rounds and give serious
consideration to backing legislation on a
number of issues they consider crucial. You will be glad to
hear that Mitchell's plan of selective
funding for certain types of public works construction by
geographical area and political
advantage has been noted and is beginning to pay dividends.
What we have proposed and what they have substantially
accepted is as follows:
* In late April or early May a series of
"spontaneous" demonstrations by labor groups
publicizing their support of this administration's Indo-China
policies and their discontinuance of
any silent indulgence of the excesses of peace groups will
take place in the larger target cities
of New York, Pittsburgh, Chicago, St. Louis and Seattle.
* In New York, Vic Borella is coordinating. He assures us
that one auxiliary result of the
spontaneous confrontations of Brennan's people with the
"long hairs" will be the
embarrassment of the Lindsay administration (a development
his boss will view with pleasure).
Please note that in each afore specified instance a
peace-oriented Democratic municipal
administration will be embarrassed by the demonstrations.
Details on this aspect will follow on.
* Borella is working closely with the New York Field Office,
reporting to our specialist, O'Neill.
* On the question of funds, no commitment has been made.
Waterman has assured us that we
can tap into Rufus Taylor's unaudited "internal
security" fund for this operation for whatever we
feel.
VICTOR BORELLA
Victor Borella was born in Plymouth, New Hampshire, on
October 13, 1906. After his
graduation from Dartmouth, he was discovered by his
classmate, Nelson Rockefeller. From
1939 to 1942 Borella was the Industrial Relations Director of
Rockefeller Center. When Nelson
Rockefeller became Coordinator of the Office of
Inter-American Affairs, Victor Borella served
as his Assistant Coordinator, and Executive Director, from
1942 to 1945. After the war, Victor
Borella became Executive Vice President of Rockefeller
Center. During the period mentioned
in the memorandum, Victor Borella was the chief labor
consultant to Governor Nelson
Rockefeller. Victor Borella was the recipient of $100,000
gift from Nelson Rockefeller in 1972.
This was revealed in October 1974. It was also revealed
during the Vice Presidential
confirmation hearings of Nelson Rockefeller that one of
Nelson Rockefeller's close political
associates, John A. Wells, arranged with Arlington House
publishers to publish Lasky. Lasky
was a witness at these hearings. Victor Lasky testified that
Laurence Rockefeller had financed
the book. In August 1972 Victor Borella attempted to obtain
the endorsements of numerous
labor unions, including the construction workers, for NIXON'S
presidency. In August 1972
Nelson Rockefeller nominated NIXON for the Presidency, and in
January 1975, Victor Borella
became a labor consultant to Vice President Nelson
Rockefeller. Victor Borella died on July
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11, 1975.
In 1967 the CIA began Project Merrimack as an effort to
infiltrate dissident groups in
Washington, D.C. to obtain advance information about
demonstrations against CIA facilities.
Merrimack used construction workers as part time agents. [Miami
Herald 5.19.76 p14A]
ADMIRAL RUFUS TAYLOR
Admiral Rufus Taylor was a graduate of the Naval Academy at
Annapolis. After duty aboard
the battleship Arizona, he was assigned from 1930 to 1941 as
a Japanese language student at
the American Embassy in Tokyo. He served as a communications
officer in the Pacific during
World War II, with the U.S. occupation forces in Japan after
the war, and as an assistant chief
of staff for intelligence with the Pacific Fleet before
coming to Washington in 1959, where he
was named Assistant Director of Foreign Intelligence and,
later, Deputy Director of Naval
Intelligence. In this capacity he was connected with William
R. Corson. He was named
assistant chief of naval operations and director of Naval
intelligence in 1963, and then served
as deputy director of the Defense Intelligence Agency from
1966. Taylor was a Deputy Director
of the Central Intelligence Agency from October 1966 to
February 1969. During this period
Richard Helms was the Director of the Central Intelligence
Agency. Helms ordered Taylor to
clean up the Nosenko case. During this time Taylor assured
Helms in writing: "Most
particularly, I perceive no significant conflict between the
information Nosenko has provided
and the information and opinions Golitsin has provided. Thus
I conclude that Nosenko should
be accepted as a bone fide defector." [Wilderness of
Mirrors D. Martin p176] Rufus Taylor was
a Deputy Director of the CIA from October 13, 1966, to
January 31, 1969. Admiral Rufus
Taylor, 68, died of cancer on September 14, 1978. [NYT 7.22.70,
Scanlans V1 #6 8.70 p1;
Wash. Post 9.20.78
pB8]
D.A. WATERMAN AND BRIAN MICHAEL JENKINS
In 1977 D.A. Waterman was the co-author of a paper entitled
"Heuristic Modeling Using Rule-
Based Computer Systems," published by the Rand
Corporation. The coauthor of this paper
was former Green Beret Michael Jenkins. [Terrorism Data
Bases: A Comparison of Missions,
Methods and Systems William Warner Fowler March 1981 N-1503-Rand Corporation p42
P-
5811] Brian Jenkins, the program director, Security and Sub
national Conflicts of the Rand
Corporation, is probably the most respected professional
authority on terrorism in the United
States and is responsible for developing much of the topology
and intellectual framework used
in researching terrorism. He has compiled the largest
terrorism data base in the United States.
In 1984 Jenkins hired former general Gustavo Alvarez
Martinez, a death squad leader from
Honduras, as a consultant to the Rand Corporation. [Wash.
Post 5.10.87 pA20] In 1984
Jenkins recommended implementation of low intensity warfare
against Nicaragua. In 1985
Jenkins was the editor of The Journal of Terrorism,
Violence, Insurgency, which he acquired
from members of Robert K. Brown's Soldier of Fortune network.
[Henry O'Sullivan, The
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Terrorism Industry p285 - Robert Lund, who worked for Robert K. Brown sold the Journal
of
TVI to Jenkins]
Jenkins was the author of "The Likelihood of Nuclear Terrorism" a Rand
Paper
Series p7119 in July 1985. Jenkins is considered to be a
moderate among the terrorism
experts and does not believe Claire Sterling's contention
that the Soviets orchestrated
terrorism, however, he never labeled Latin and Central
American death squads as terrorists:
when the Guatemalan Army launched Operation Counter-terror,
and some 8,000 people were
slaughtered Brian Jenkins later wrote: "the objective of
counter terror was to frighten everyone
from collaborating with the guerilla movement." [McClintlock,
M. Instruments of Statecraft p
234] Nestor Sanchez was Chief of Station in Guatemala from
August 1965 to August 1967
when these death squads were active. Jenkins does believe
that the Soviet Union provided
direct and indirect support to terrorists, including arms and
training. In 1990 Jenkins was a
Managing Partner of Kroll Associates.
CHARLES WATERMAN
Charles Waterman, born February 16, 1938, entered on duty
with a private research
committee (the CIA) in 1963. In 1964 he was a consular
official in Kuwait. In 1966 he was in
Cairo and Beirut. At the time the alleged Rand memorandum was
uncovered, March 1970,
Charles Waterman was a Political Officer in Beirut. [State
Dept. Bio. Reg. 1977 Limited Official
Use] He returned to Washington in July 1970. By 1982, Charles
Waterman was a senior
analyst at the CIA who worked for the then-Director, William
Casey and Vice Chairman of the
National Intelligence Council. In 1983 Charles Waterman was
suspected of having leaked
classified information on the Iran/Iraq war to the Mitsubishi
company of Japan, after he failed
CIA and FBI lie detector tests. Waterman was the Subject of
an FBI criminal espionage case
which was quashed because classified information may have
been revealed in the course of
the trial. Waterman was dismissed by Director Casey. In the
1980's Charles Waterman was a
Director of Parvus Incorporated. Parvus Incorporated was
headed by Richard Helms.
BRENNAN
Peter Brennen was the president of the Building Trades
Council at this time. He was a leader
of pro-Vietnam war movement that came to be known as the
"hardhats." On May 8, 1970,
construction workers in lower Manhattan beat up a group of
student anti-war protestors. On
May 20, 1970, 100,000 construction workers, longshoremen and
others massed at City Hall for
a rally in support of the Vietnam war. NIXON telephoned
Brennen to congratulate him on the
peaceful rally. Colson arranged for a delegation of workers,
headed by Brennan, to come to
the White House. During the 1972 elections Brennen organized
a committee of 200 labor
leaders for NIXON. NIXON selected Peter Brennan as his
Secretary of Labor during his
second administration. There were several allegations before
Brennen's confirmation that he
was associated with organized crime. [Moldea, Hoffa Wars page
316]
SPIRO AGNEW REPLIES
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The New York Times asked Spiro Agnew about this document: "The Vice
President said it was
'ridiculous' for the editors of Scanlan's Monthly to
believe the document was genuine...Mr.
Agnew said in an interview today after he had seen a copy of
the document that is was
completely false. He said that the form of the memorandum,
and the heading of the stationary
were different from those used by his office. 'My denial is
unequivocal,' Mr. Agnew said, 'not
only for that [document] but for anything else concerning
that subject in writing, in conversation
or in thought. You can't get more unequivocal than
that.'" [NYT 7.22.70]
ANALYSIS FORGERY
In retrospect, we see that NIXON was involved in numerous
anti-democratic activities, such as
the Kennedy assassination and Watergate. NIXON'S ambition was
to become the first dictator
of the United States. He was unable to do that, but he was
responsible for America's first
unelected President, Gerald Ford. Never put anything past
'Tricky Dickey,' and his henchmen,
however, this document was a forgery. It is paranoia to
believe that the President of the Rand
Corporation, Henry S. Rowen, who was on NIXON's enemies list,
and who was considered
dovish on Vietnam, would conduct a study to "repeal the
Bill of Rights."
Who would put something as controversial as repealing the
Bill of Rights on paper? Why not
leak the entire document? Why just one page? Why would a
document on Vice Presidential
stationary contain this line: "Borella is working
closely with the New York Field Office, reporting
to our specialist, O'Neill." Was it the New York Field
Office of the FBI or the CIA? The
reference to Waterman and O'Neill contain no first names so
it is impossible to state the
Waterman is identical to D.A. Waterman or Charles Waterman.
There is too much ambiguity in
this document.
This document was dated more than a year after Rufus Taylor
left the CIA, yet it made
reference to his unaudited "internal security"
fund. Rufus Taylor believed Nosenko was
genuine which would have put him at odds with the ANGLETON,
HUNT, BAGLEY faction of
the CIA that was aligned with NIXON.
THE "OSWALD PLAN"
NIXON was quoted as saying that if United States Attorney
General Robert Kennedy had
instituted ten more wiretaps, he would have discovered the
"OSWALD plan." When the press
questioned him, he said: "I said if ten more wiretaps
could have been found the conspiracy, if
there was a conspiracy, or the individual, then it would be
worth it. As far as I'm concerned I
am no more an expert on that assassination than anyone
else."
NEW NIXON TAPES
HUNT'S ACTIVITIES IN THE 1960'S: July 1, 1972
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Colson: HUNT is a fellow who I would trust. I mean, he's a
true believer, a real patriot. My God,
the things he's done for his country. It's just a tragedy he
gets smeared with this. Of course,
the other story that a lot of people have bought is that
HOWARD HUNT was taken out of the
country by the CIA. Well, he's certainly done a lot of hot
stuff...Oh Jesus. He pulled a lot of very
fancy stuff in the sixties.
(Withdrawn Item. National Security.)
NIXON: Well, I don't agree. If anything ever happens to him,
be sure that he blows the whistle,
the whole Bay of Pigs.
Colson: He wrote the book.
Nixon: Blow their horn.
Colson: He tells quite a story, coming in here during that
period crying and pleading with
Kennedy...
ANALYSIS
The intriguing thing here is the withdrawn item. There is
nothing like a withdrawn item to get
your imagination going. But it is never a smoking gun, it is
always just a large piece of the
puzzle. The next line, "be sure that he blows the
whistle" makes more since if it read "be sure
that he doesn't blow the whistle." The Bay of Pigs thing
was the Kennedy Assassination.
HUNT AND THE TRAMPS: HUNT AS A MASTER OF DISGUISE
JUNE 30, 1972
NIXON: This guy is a wiretapper. He's been taping for years,
hasn't he?
Haldeman: I don't know. I don't know what he - he's a
disguise type guy.
NIXON: And deep cover.
Haldeman: He writes dirty books.
MacGregor: The phrase, the CIA phrase is deep cover
operative.
NIXON: Deep cover...Of course he was also with Kennedy and he
worked for Johnson.
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NIXON: About this fellow HUNT, I mean afterall the gun and
the wiretapping doesn't bother me
a bit with this fellow. He's in the Cuban thing, the whole
Cuban business. He's out of the
country.
Haldeman: No.
NIXON: Is he back in the country?
Haldeman: He never went out but it doesn't matter. He's a -
at least they say, his main stock
and trade is he's a master of disguise. (Chuckles) He's
someplace under some disguise,
although he's supposed to go abroad...
KISSINGER'S KNEW ABOUT PROPOSED BROOKINGS BREAK IN
NIXON: Bob? Bob? Now do you remember Houston's plan?
Implement it!
Kissinger: Now Brookings has no right to have classified
documents.
NIXON: I want it implemented. Goddamnit, go in and get those
files. Blow the safe and get it.
WHEN DID NIXON FIRST MEET HOWARD HUNT?
DATE: June 30, 1971
NIXON: They (the Brookings Institution) have a lot
material...I want Brookings, I want them just
to break in and take it out. Do you understand?
Haldeman: Yeah, but you have to have somebody do it.
NIXON: That's what I am talking about. Don't discuss it here.
You talk to HUNT. I want the
break-in. Hell, they do that. You're to break into the place,
rifle the files and bring them in.
June 21, 1972
NIXON: HUNT worked for Kennedy, he worked for Johnson, now he
worked for the White
House. That's the whole story about him...And he worked for
the CIA. He worked in the Bay of
Pigs. I mean, he's done a lot of things. So I've got to guess
is that, I mean, it could be isolated
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instances. If the man's worked for various things, he's
worked for...HUNT must be a pretty
good guy though.
Colson: He's got one of the most interesting careers of
anybody I've known. The tragedy is that
the guy is a dedicated patriot...God.
Nixon: Of course and he deliberately decided he is not going
to be around, is that right? That is
what I hear.
Colson: I don't know.
Haldeman: He isn't around-
Colson: You know he's-
NIXON: Well, you know, you don't want him in here, Bob.
Colson: He came to me in February and he said: This is the
only year I care about; the most
important thing that ever happens is this man be re-elected;
I just want to help. And you hate to
see the poor guy get it.
NIXON: Oh well.
Colson: It just happens...he's lived through this before.
NIXON: What the hell, the Bay of Pigs.
Colson: He lived in exile once before and so forth.
Haldeman: He's used to this sort of stuff...It's part of his
life.
Nixon: He's written 42 novels.
June 30, 1972
NIXON: He wouldn't do such a stupid thing. The White House
thing, I mean this fellow, what's
his name, HUNT?...This HUNT fellow, did you ever meet HUNT?
I've never seen him.
April 28, 1973
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NIXON: You know the thing about that is that Colson never
told me about HUNT, that he knew
HUNT, until after the Watergate thing.
Erlichman: Is that right?
NIXON: I never heard of E. HOWARD HUNT, no, sir, no. No
sir...I had understood he said he
doesn't know HUNT well, or something like that. I think
that's apparently been his line...But
afterwards he said he was an intimate friend.
ANALYSIS
HUNT may have met NIXON when HUNT was a CIA Chief of Station
in Latin America,
however, this would have been a brief and forgettable
encounter. In Give Us This Day HUNT
described NIXON as the White House Action Officer for Bay of
Pigs. It was during this period
that HUNT had his first significant contact with Vice
President NIXON. As documented in Coup
D'Etat in America Data Base NIXON worked with HUNT on the
assassination of NIXON'S rival,
John Kennedy, in 1963. In 1971 NIXON reassembled many of the
members of this hit squad
and used them against other political rivals. At this point
NIXON expressed a familiarity with
the talents of HUNT as evidenced by the June 30, 1971
reference to HUNT. NIXON knew that
one of HUNT'S talents was serreptious entry. On June 21, 1972
NIXON pretended he was not
well aquainted with HUNT: "HUNT must be a pretty good
guy though." It is interesting to note
the reference here to HUNT having lived in exile. There is no
such reference to a period of
exile in Undercover, HUNT'S autobiography. Haldeman
had HUNT disappearing to a Spanish
speaking country:
Haldeman: But HUNT disappeared or is in the process of
disappearing. He can undisappear if
we want him to. He can disappear to a Latin American country.
But at least the original thought
was that that would do it, that he might want to disappear
(unintelligible) on the basis of these
guys, the Cubans-....
Perhaps this explains HUNT'S murky assignment in Spain in
1964, the nature of which
remains unknown even to the CIA. Note that NIXON knew the
exact number of novels
authored by HUNT. On June 30, 1972 NIXON denied he had ever
met HUNT and on April 28,
1973 NIXON claimed he had never even heard of HUNT until
after Watergate. This contradicts
earlier recordings and clearly demonstrates that NIXON was a
liar.
HOW FAR BACK DID HUNT'S MISDEEDS GO?
NIXON: Of course, this, HUNT, that will uncover a lot of, a
lot of, you open that scab there's a
hell of a lot of things in it that we just feel that this
would be very detrimental to have this thing
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go any further.
NIXON: The one that is really going to pull the plug on
Colson is HUNT... I don't think he'd pull
the plug on his earlier ventures for us, do you? (April 10,
1973)
NIXON: Well, your major guy to keep under control is HUNT -
because he knows about a lot of
other things. (March 21, 1973)
NIXON AND HOOVER
NIXON:...I told you that bizarre story that Edgar Hoover
refused to investigate because Louis
Marks, Mark's daughter was married to that son-of-a-bitch
Ellsberg. (May 8, 1973)The problem
we've got with some of this in the Ellsberg stuff, you see,
Edgar Hoover wouldn't do the job
because (Patricia) Marks, his closest friends daughter, was
married to Ellsberg and wouldn't
do it, and that's why some of that crap was done in the White
House. (April 29, 1973).
ANALYSIS
FRANK STURGIS and BERNARD BARKER, and other members of the
Watergate group,
attended J. Edgar Hoover's funeral. They said they were there
to beat up any leftists who
attempted to disrupt the service. The new NIXON tapes reveal
that NIXON hated Hoover.
What was his motivation in having his crew there if he hated
Hoover?
NIXON AND THE DOROTHY HUNT PLANE CRASH
NIXON: I said of course commutation could be considered on
the basis of his wife, and that is
the only discussion I ever had in that light. (March 21,
1973)
Haldeman: Then I've got a subpeona to appear in Federal Court
in Illinois...
NIXON: What's that about?
Haldeman: In that matter of the murder - of the plan to
murder several dozen people.
NIXON: On what grounds are they getting you there?
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Haldeman: The airline crash where Mrs. HUNT died. They
apparently have me as a factor in
crashing the airplane of something. (exhales)
NIXON: Keep the faith.
Haldeman: Yes sir.
NIXON: God
Haldeman: Never worry (May 11, 1973)
KIDNAPPING AND ASSASSINATION SQUADS
Dean: So I came over and Liddy laid out a million dollar plan
that was the most incredible thing
I have ever laid my eyes on: all in codes and involved black
bag operations, kidnapping,
providing prostitutes, uh, to weaken the opposition, bugging
ah, mugging teams. It was just an
incredible thing. (March 21, 1973)
NIXON: Dean actually could answer it in another way. He could
say, look, I was the counsel. I
was sitting in on it in that fashion...I did not discuss it
with Haldeman because - because it was
turned off, I didn't report it.
Ehrlichman: The way you get at that then: 'Well, Mr. Dean,
you're responsible for keeping the
President out of legal trouble, aren't you?' 'Yes sir.' 'You
sat in a meeting where a man named
Liddy proposed a million dollars worth of kidnapping and
wiretapping and assassination and on
and on and on, and you didn't jump in a taxicab and rush back
to the White House and burst in
on Bob Haldeman and say, you know what those crazy guys on
the committee are doing?'
NIXON, VESCO AND CHOTINER
Ehrlichman: Vesco...was going around hot-shotting, saying
that the White House was behind
me and so on, and I had to say that he was to get no special
favors or consideration. Just after
he got out of jail, he was using Mitchell's name and my name
and everybody's name - I've just
met him. I don't know him. But his people have been brought
into my office... Murry Chotiner's
been working for him.
NIXON: What the hell's he doing for him?
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Ehrlichman: He (Chotiner) comes in. He tried to see me and I
wouldn't see him. My assistant
(Tod R. Hullin) talked to him and he had a deal. Vesco would
fix us up in South America. He'd
act as an operative down there and he'd do this and that if
we got him off the criminal
prosecution. And then there's an element of blackmail, that
the worst isn't yet out and that its
going to hurt the administration if they tell all they know,
and this, that and the other thing.
(March 16, 1973)
THE PAINES AFTER THE COUP
THE TELEPHONE CONVERSATION
Michael Paine related the events of November 22: "When
it happened I was eating lunch with
a colleague at a bowling alley. Someone told me the President
had been shot and we dashed
back to lab to listen to the radio. And my colleague, Frank
Krystinik, was urging me to call the
FBI and tell them that LEE worked there. Oh, no I thought.
Everyone is going to be jumping on
him. The obvious target there. I couldn't see why LEE would
do that. If he was a rational body
he's gonna get Johnson, but he shot Kennedy. I took Johnson
to be more to the right. I've
come to realize since, I didn't take into account LEE'S close
connection with Cuba, which
would have changed the complexion somewhat of what he might
had felt toward Kennedy. But
he did say to me that he thought Kennedy was the best
President we've had in his lifetime. He
also said that he thought change wouldn't come about, except
through violence."
Frank Krystinik had a slightly different version of events:
"On November 22, 1963, Krystinik
and Paine were in the office of the Bell Helicopter Company
laboratory when they heard the
news that the President had been shot. There was some
discussion about the exact location of
where the shooting had occurred, so they looked it up in the
Dallas City map. Paine said with
surprise "That is right next to the Texas School Book
Depository Building." Krystinik then said,
"Well isn't that where LEE OSWALD works?" Paine
said, "Yes, but he does not even own a
gun." [WCD75 p724]
THE TELEPHONE CONVERSATION
"On November 26, 1963, Dallas Confidential FBI Informant
T-4, advised that he had received
information that a male voice was overheard in a conversation
which took place between
telephone number CR-5-5211, Arlington, Texas, and telephone
number BL-3-1628 [Michael
Paine's home telephone number], Irving, Texas, on November
23, 1963. Informant advised the
exact time of this conversation was not available, and that
it was not known from which of the
telephone numbers the call originated. Informant advised that
the male voice was heard to
comment that he felt sure LEE HARVEY OSWALD had killed the
President, but he did not feel
OSWALD was responsible, and further stated: 'We both know who
is responsible.'" [WCD 206
p66; FBI DL 100-10461 RPG;gmf]
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The FBI reported: "It should be noted that the only
telephone call between telephone number
CR-5-5211, Arlington, Texas, and telephone number BL-3-1628,
Irving, Texas, during the
period November 22, 1963, to November 26, 1963, was the one
call on November 22, 1963,
which, according to the telephone company records, indicates
that Mrs. Michael Paine was
calling collect from CR-5-5211, the place of
employment of her husband. Previous
information,
furnished by Captain Paul Barger, Irving, Texas, Police
Department, to the effect that he had
received information from individual he could not recall concerning
a telephone conversation
which took place on November 23, 1963, between
telephone numbers CR-5-5211, Arlington,
Texas and BL-3-1623, Irving, Texas, has been reported. Mrs.
Ruth Paine, 2515 West 5th
Street, Irving, Texas, has previously stated that on November
22, 1963, at about 1:00 p.m., her
husband telephoned from his place of business, and advised
her that the President had just
been shot. Mrs. Paine denied having any conversation with her
husband at his place of
employment on November 23, 1963." The telephone records
of Michael Paine, BL-3-1628
indicated that on November 22, 1963, a collect call was
placed "from Arlington, Texas, number
CR-5-5211. Mrs. Michael Paine was calling." [FBI DL
100-10461 1.23.64 Robert Lish]
Wesley Liebler questioned Ruth Paine about this telephone
conversation:
Liebler: You have previously been questioned about a supposed
telephone call that was
supposed to have been made from Michael Paine's office to
your home shortly after the
assassination, and I do not represent that I have knowledge
of such a call, that such a call was
ever made, but as you know, there were rumors to the effect
that this man and woman
together in the conversation - that one of them said he
really wasn't responsible for the
assassination, and they both knew who was and I think both of
you and Michael have testified
about this before and have denied there was any such
telephone conversation between you
and anyone. Was there a telephone conversation of any kind
between you and Michael
between your residence and Michael's office on November 22,
1963, or November 23, 1963?
Paine: I have testified to the fact that Michael called. I
don't know whether it was from the
cafeteria where he had been eating, or more likely from his
office, to my home, on November
22, 1963.
Liebler: Was that the only telephone conversation between
those two numbers on those two
days that you know of?
Paine: Yes.
Ruth Paine commented told this researcher, "It rings no
bells for me. I must say I am not
impressed with the quality of FBI reporting." Michael
Paine stated: "I've heard that a couple of
times, way back, for many years. When I first heard that
said, I thought that they must have
overheard me talking to my father very shortly after the
evening or the next day of the
assassination. In this conversation I said to him rather
emphatically 'We know how he got that
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job at the Depository.' Which we did. Immediately after the
assassination, I assumed the phone
was tapped."
ANALYSIS
Frontline reporter
Scott Malone reported "T-4" has not been identified. It has been
suggested
that "T-4" was an illegal wiretap put on Michael
Paine's telephone after the assassination. Note
how Barger placed the date of the tap later in time. By
November 23, 1963, he had received
permission to tap Michael Paine's telephone from the courts.
The telephone records, which are
generally fairly accurate - they are used as evidence in
court - placed the call on November 22,
1963. Note how Barger had also forgotten the source of this
information.
The telephone records indicated that Ruth Paine placed a
collect call to Michael Paine from his
office to his home yet no one at Bell Helicopter testified
that they saw Ruth Paine at the facility
that day. Marina Oswald testified that Ruth Paine was not
absent any time during that entire
day.
Yet telephone records indicated that some time on November
22, 1963, probably shortly after
the Kennedy assassination, Ruth Paine went to Michael Paine's
office. Marina could have
watched the children. Michael Paine was not there, so she
called him at his house. Perhaps
Michael Paine went to Ruth Paine's home, and finding that she
was not there he drove home,
where he received a telephone call from his wife calling
collect from his office. Not realizing his
telephone would be tapped in so short a time, Michael Paine
commented that he felt sure LEE
HARVEY OSWALD had killed the President, but he did not feel
OSWALD was responsible,
and further stated: 'We both know who is responsible.' They
both thought that the CIA was
responsible, because people connected with the CIA had told
them to befriend OSWALD.
WHEN DID RUTH PAINE KNOW OSWALD WAS A SUSPECT
Ruth Paine testified that after she heard that President
Kennedy had been shot in the vicinity
of the Texas School Book Depository, she thought that
"LEE might be able to say somewhat
about what happened, had been close to the event. This was my
thought, that we would know
somebody who would be able to give or possibly give a first
hand - I never thought of him as a
violent man. He never said anything against President
Kennedy, nor anything about President
Kennedy. I had no idea that he had a gun." She said she
told Marina what had happened.
During one part of Ruth Paine's testimony before the Warren
Commission she was asked:
McCloy: You said you were sitting on the sofa. While you were
listening or looking at the
television, was there any announcement over the television of
a suspicion being cast on LEE?
Paine: It had been announced that they had caught someone in
a theater, but there was no
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name given.
McCloy: So up to this point there was no suggestion that LEE
was involved.
Paine: No, not until the officers came to the door. [Paine
Test. To WC p70]
Ruth Paine testified that Michael Paine arrived at her home
in the mid-afternoon. She was
asked:
Jenner: Now would you please tell me exactly to the best of
your recollection the words of your
husband as he walked in the door.
Paine: I don't recall his saying anything.
Jenner: Now his words if any with respect to why he had come.
Paine: I asked him before he volunteered. I said something to
the effect of "How did you know
to come?"
Jenner: What did he say.
Paine: He said he heard on the radio at work that OSWALD was
in custody, and he came
immediately to the house.
Jenner: And that is what you recall he said.
Paine: That is right...I might interject one recollection if
you want of Michael having telephoned
to me after the assassination. He wanted to know if I heard.
Jenner: Did he call you before he arrived at your home?
Paine: He called, he knew about the assassination. He had
been told by a waitress at lunch
time. [Paine WC test. P110]
ANALYSIS
Ruth Paine was lying about the events of the day. First she
testified that she did not know that
OSWALD was a suspect until Dallas Police Officers came to her
door. Later she said she
heard it from Michael Paine.
HOSTY, ODUM, HOWE AND DeBRUEYS
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The FBI reported that on November 26, 1963, material of
various types which had been
recovered by the Dallas Police Department from OSWALD'S and
Ruth Paine's residence were
turned over to Howe, Hosty and DeBRUEYS. [WCE 2077 p139] The
post-assassination
investigation of the Paine family was conducted and directed
by FBI Agents Bardwell Odum,
Kenneth Howe, WARREN C. DeBRUEYS and James P. Hosty. S.A.
Hosty questioned the
Paines 15 times. Ruth Paine believed OSWALD was guilty
because of "massive circumstantial
evidence that surrounds his relationship, or where he was,
what he had, at the time of the
assassination." Michael Paine did not believe that
OSWALD could have been a provocation:
"You can weave any kind of a plot you want, but he was
not a provocation. I don't see that.
When the assassination occurred I didn't suppose that he had
done it. I didn't think he could,
because it didn't fit with my understanding of what his
objectives would be. The only way I
could figure a reason for him doing this was his convoluted
argument that you get in Johnson
and Johnson being more to the right, would have angered the
left more. It struck me as a spur
of the moment action which wasn't the result of much advance
planning. And it struck me that
he must have done that after he had seen the motorcade route
published a day before his visit.
He saw it was going to go right by his building there. Get
himself on the map. What's he gonna
take his rifle for, if he wasn't going to assassinate the
President? OSWALD was not an
instrument of the right. He was a bona fide leftist, no
question of his sincerity...." Michael Paine
was asked, "You have no CIA-connection?" He
responded, "No connection with that. The
closest connection I have had, that I knew of, was I took a
trip with the Presbyterian Church
Choir. We went to Germany and we had an FBI person who was a
choir member. He couldn't
dare go into East Germany. We took a little tourist trip
there." Michael Paine was asked if he
believed the CIA was involved with overseas assassinations.
He said, "Yes, I do. I think it is
bad for us. I think they're clumsy. Well, not just
clumsy..." He was asked if he believed the CIA
might have been involved in any domestic assassinations.
"I don't speculate a lot" Michael
Paine said, "but if there was going to be a conspiracy
in which OSWALD was involved, then it
would have been with some other little buddies who loved
Cuba, and were still incensed at
Kennedy for the Bay of Pigs. I have no idea what motivated
RUBY, and why he felt so
outraged as to deprive the nation of a trial of this person.
I don't know about RUBY'S organized
crime connections." The Kennedy assassination reunited
the Paines; Michael Paine moved in
with his wife and child.
THE MISSING MINOX WDE
When journalist Earl Goltz interviewed Dallas Police
Detective Gus Rose, one of the officers
who searched the Ruth Paine's home after the assassination,
Gus Rose remembered having
found a "small German camera and black case on a chain
and film." Gus Rose inventoried the
evidence and turned it over to FBI Agent WARREN C. DeBRUEYS,
who identified the Minox
camera as a Minox light meter. Michael Paine stated: "I
did have a light meter for a Minox. I
kind of forgotten that I had a light meter. And it looked
like a half-size version of a Minox
camera. It had the same leather case and flexible metal
chain. They didn't get it at the same
time. They got the camera later."
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If a Minox light meter was found among OSWALD'S possessions,
was there a camera that
accompanied it? Michael Paine, who stored his possessions in
the same garage as OSWALD,
was questioned about this. He said "He owns a Minox
camera and that camera is at his home
in Irving, Texas. Several years ago he dropped this camera in
salt water off the coast of Cape
Cod, Massachusetts, and after retrieving it, soaking it in
kerosine and cleaning same, it
appeared to be in good working condition. Thereafter, someone
bent the shutter by pulling the
lens out too far, and, to the best of his knowledge, it is
not now in working condition. He stated
that he did have some cans of film, and that some of them
were probably exposed film, but
that the pictures made on this film were at least five years
old. He stated that he had a case for
the camera and other accessories including a light meter. He
stated that when the police came
to his house on November 22, 1963, they took the entire
contents on a drawer containing
photographic equipment which included the items mentioned
above with the exception of the
camera. He stated that this camera was in his garage at that
time and that although he
mentioned the camera to the police, they did not seem
interested in it. He stated that he is sure
LEE HARVEY OSWALD never used this camera, and he is of the
opinion that it is not in
working condition at the present time. Mr. Paine stated he
had no knowledge of a 'no
admittance' sign which was picked-up by the police at his
residence. He stated this sign is not
his and he has never seen it before." [FBI DL 100-10461
1.31.64 Bardwell Odum] On February
1, 1964, Ruth Paine gave FBI SA Bardwell Odum a Minox III
camera, serial number 27259.
THE THREE UNDEVELOPED ROLLS OF FILM
The Dallas Police Department found three undeveloped rolls of
Minox film in Michael Paine's
garage. "Two Minox cassettes, one containing film; two
containers with unexposed Minox film."
Detective Gus Rose said he found one roll in OSWALD'S sea
bag. This researcher applied for
these photographs under the Freedom of Information Act. The
FBI stated: "In as much as the
material you requested is of great historical interest, these
pages are being released to you
without excisions." [ltr. Allen H. McCreight FBI
6.12.78] The FBI Laboratory Report on the
exposed film stated that two of the rolls had been exposed in
Michael Paine's camera but the
other was not:
FBI LABORATORY
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION WASHINGTON D.C.
Bureau request November 25, 1963
Request comparison of Minox film recovered from possessions
of LEE HARVEY OSWALD in
the assassination of President Kennedy, November 22, 1963,
Dallas, Texas, case with
specimen Q5.
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Result of examination:
It has been determined that the questioned Minox film
designated as specimen Q5 in this case
was not exposed in the same camera as Minox film recovered
from the possessions of LEE
HARVEY OSWALD (Item 377) in the assassination of President
John F. Kennedy, November
22, 1963, Dallas, Texas, case. [FBI 62-109060-NR 12.2.63
#174]
Michael Paine was contacted in July 1993. He said, "All
the ones that I've seen copies of prints
of, have been taken by me, yes. I took a camera with me. I
bought the camera originally
because I wanted something I could carry in my pocket all the
time. I was hoping you could
make good pictures with that camera, but it was very tricky,
everything had to be right. So it
didn't have any use, I thought." It was pointed out to
Michael Paine that the Minox is most often
used for photographing documents. He agreed, "It was
noted for that purpose, yeah. It was, of
course, good for, it could take pictures up close. When I got
to Korea I took along a little
developing tumbler about the size of a glass. But the water
we had was out of the rice paddies,
and I thought it would leave little specks of dirt, so I
never tried developing the things I did in
Korea. I guess I never used it again. I used a different
camera, stereoscopic. It's news to me
that there should be a roll mixed-in with mine. That seems
very odd."
THE PHOTOGRAPHS
The two rolls of Minox film that were taken with Michael
Paine's Minox camera contained
photos of a trip to Europe. The roll that was not taken with
Michael Paine's camera seem to
have been photographed in either Qemoy or Matsu. The
photographs depicted several
Marines horsing around on a large military vessel; a shot a
tanker and LST-845P, shots of an
island from offshore; shots entering a harbor; Asian children
walking past a heavily fortified
military base; a Chinese funeral passing the perimeter of the
base, and a photo of OSWALD
with an M-16. Click HERE. to see one of these photographs.
ANALYSIS
OSWALD possessed a Minox camera while he was in the Marines.
JFK CIA document
1993.06.18.16:24:34:590000 is a piece of an envelope from
SR/CI/R listing contents as "One
folder XAAZ-22448 May 5, 1965, State Department Files 1963.
2) Paine photos removed and
attached to DBA 64420, from which they had been taken."
RUTH PAINE POST COUP
On September 17, 1965, Ruth Paine asked Mr. Maceo Smith of
the Federal Housing
Administration for the names of Negro families interested in
purchasing houses in Irving,
Texas, and asked for help in furthering her efforts in this
regard: "Mr. Smith advised that Mrs.
Paine obtained his name by contacting a principal of an
Irving, Texas, school and asking for
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the name of a Negro who might be able to help her in her
integration efforts." Ruth Paine's
request was transmitted to E. J. Dee, Director, Federal
Housing Administration Insuring Office,
Dallas, Texas: "Mr. Dee stated he is of the opinion some
Negro people of the Irving, Texas,
area have been contacted by Mrs. Paine, but they, the
Negroes, do not want anything to do
with her. He said he arrived at this opinion as he, Dee, was
contacted by a leader of the Negro
community of Bear Creek near Irving, Texas, who told him they
did not want to have anything
to do with Ruth Paine, and asked Mr. Dee if he could keep her
away from them." In June 1976
Ruth Paine was living on a yacht in Fort Lauderdale, Florida.
In 1991 she became U.S.
Coordinator of Pro-Nica, a project of the southeastern yearly
meeting of the American Friends
Service Committee. In this capacity she had dealings with the
Sandinistas. When questioned
by the Warren Commission in 1964 Paine was asked:
Jenner: What is your personal attitude towards the Castro
regime?
Paine: I have very few opinions about it. I suspect that the
press is correct, that it is used for a
jumping off ground for people, for Communist deputies going
to Central American countries,
trying to stir up trouble. That I object to strenuously. That
the people of Cuba have Castro as a
leader is not of any particular offense to me. I do think he
has more popular support than his
predecessor.
In 1991 Ruth Paine put out a newsletter about Nicaragua,
describing it as "a roller coaster of
ups and downs, a kaleidoscope of progress and
decay...Unemployment is estimated at 50%.
The central government is broke. The AID funds account for
about one third of the
Government of Nicaragua's budget. Nicaraguan men and women
have discovered what a free
society can mean to them, and they are not likely to forget
it."
As of 1992 Ruth Paine was living in Managua, Nicaragua, and
St. Petersburg, Florida. This
interviewer spoke with Ruth Paine during the Summer of 1993
and pointed out some of the
facts contained in this book. She stated, "Mostly I
don't like to do interviews much. But anyway,
you're an interesting guy though."
"Can you see why I am convinced that there was a
conspiracy involved?"
"I certainly see that, yes. From the vantage point I
had, it didn't look that way. Because here he
was, already a very strange guy. He had a rifle, and he was
doing clandestine things, like
having an assumed name. Made him look a little strange. He
was a very unstable kind of guy."
In December 1994 Ruth Paine was living in St. Augustine,
Florida, and working in Tampa,
Florida as a school psychologist and still did volunteer work
for the Quakers. [Xmas card
12.30.94]
HEMMING ON RUTH PAINE
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HEMMING told this researcher: "Ruth Paine's a fucking
patriot, she doesn't know shit from
Shinola. Don't read nothing, don't wanna know, don't give a
fuck. And they're loyal till the day
they die. They believe what's told to them. They're like cult
members out of Waco, or
Georgetown. 'Drink your Kool Aide, drink it before goes bad.'
She's a religious fucking fanatic.
They'll believe shit out of the fucking book. God is
on their side. That's the kind of fucking
people they are. Very valuable fucking people. They never
give yaa...Now, that she would be
in touch with an OSWALD, that's saying something. They don't
expose people like Ruth Paine
to fucking dimwit numbfucks. She was baby sitting the guy
regarding some knowledge he had
acquired in the Soviet Union. She was told to put him in the
Texas School Book Depository.
They don't tell why. They put a 14 inch nigger dick between
her legs and that's it. They do what
the fuck they're told. You don't tell some fucking cunt
what's going on. She's not going to
betray anyone. She'll keep her mouth shut until the day she
fucking dies. Her relatives in the
CIA were serving their country. If they were used and abused,
it's not their fault. They are not
the enemy. They were complete fucking dupes. In ANGLETON'S
business, the people that are
closest to you, that know too much, are scared. They're
always scared."
MARINA OSWALD POST COUP
HEMMING told this researcher: "Here's a broad that's
been played like a violin, threatened to
be deported with her two girls left behind. She was put in
the path of OSWALD in the Soviet
Union so that they could get hooked up. She doesn't describe
anything in any detail. So much
of what she would ordinarily know, she doesn't know. And that
sends up a flash right there."
Marina Oswald told this researcher: "How dare he call me
'a broad?' It's absolutely not true. I
just went to the dance. It was simply fate, freak
accident." After November 22, 1963, Marina
Oswald was befriended by John and Katia Jacobs of Alexandria,
Virginia. John Jacobs was
the radio officer for the 1959 American National Exhibition
in Moscow. In 1961 John Jacobs
joined the USIA. [FBI 105-82555-3583, LHM 6.21.67 Tampa FL]
Marina Oswald told this
researcher in 1994: "I never heard of him." Marina
Oswald associated with Ilya Manatov, an
Estonian national who attended the University of Latvia
during the German occupation. In late
1945, a U.S. citizen sponsored the immigration of Ilya
Manatov to America. He was hired by
Sun Oil, and given a CIA clearance. Ilya Manatov served as an
interpreter for Marina Oswald.
MARINA'S OSWALD'S SEX LIFE: JAMES HERBERT MARTIN
James Herbert Martin was the business manager of Marina
Oswald. James Martin knew JACK
RUBY. When asked by the FBI if he had any criminal
connections, James Herbert Martin told
them that he had a cousin-by-marriage named Al Cervantes,
presently Mayor of St. Louis,
Missouri, and Cervantes was a friend of Frank Costello. The
Warren Commission noted that
Marina Oswald was having sexual relations with James Herbert
Martin, who was married. The
possibility of deporting Marina Oswald for moral turpitude
was investigated. Warren
Commission investigator Richard Mosk concluded: "Mrs.
Oswald did not commit adultery since
D.C. Stat. Title 22 301 provided that when such an act is
committed between a married man
and a woman who is unmarried, the man only shall be deemed
guilty of adultery...The statues
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of the District of Colombia do not make fornication a
crime."
On February 19, 1964, the FBI obtained a lengthy statement
from Marina Oswald "regarding
sex incident involving herself and her former manager, James
Herbert Martin. This statement
reflects the following: While residing at Inn of Six Flags
under the surveillance of the Secret
Service she was informed by a Secret Service Agent that James
Herbert Martin [a manager at
Six Flags] had invited her and her children to reside at his
home. She accepted the invitation to
visit the Martin home on Thanksgiving, and while she was at
the Martin home on that occasion
accepted an invitation from Mr. and Mrs. Martin to reside
with them. She moved into their
home about November 29, 1963, until February 9, 1964, until
her trip to Washington the week
of February 3, 1964, she was under United States Secret
Service surveillance at the Martin
house.
"Shortly after beginning residence at the Martin house,
her intuition told her that James Martin
had feelings of love toward her. On New Year's Eve, after
refusing to be kissed by James
Herbert Martin when he asked to give her a New Years kiss in
the presence of his wife, James
Martin subsequently caught her in the hallway and told her he
loved her and then kissed her.
She believed him to be sincere.
"Following this event James Herbert Martin almost daily
professed his love to her and
frequently hugged her and kissed her, but always
surreptitiously. He also propositioned her to
have sexual relations, but she refused. She did tell James
Herbert Martin she was willing to be
his mistress, and they made plans when she would have a place
of her own, and he would visit
her clandestinely. James Herbert Martin also gave her several
gifts.
"About January 4, 1964, James Herbert Martin took her
alone to the La Tunisia Restaurant,
Dallas. Two Secret Service agents occupied a table nearby.
They enjoyed a good dinner.
James Herbert Martin professed his love to her and she
replied everything would be fine if it
were not for his family.
"She did not have sexual intercourse with James Herbert
Martin at the Martin home.
"Following her testimony in Washington on Friday,
February 7, 1964, she and James Herbert
Martin and June ate together and thereafter took a walk in
Washington. They returned to the
hotel at 7:00 or 8:00 p.m. That evening they slept together
and engaged in sexual intercourse.
They slept together the entire night. This was done with
Marina Oswald's consent and there
was no force whatsoever on the part of James Herbert Martin.
"While in Washington, United States Secret Service Agent
Leon Gopadze told her there were
rumors James Herbert Martin loved her and these rumors might
be so detrimental as to lead to
her deportation from this country. Martin told her he had
friends who could fix up a fictitious
marriage which would forestall deportation.
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"On Sunday, February 9, 1964, Robert Oswald came to the
Martin home in Dallas and took
Marina and June to the cemetery to visit the OSWALD grave.
Robert suggested she leave the
Martin residence, and she agreed to do so, and accompanied
Robert to his home in Denton,
Texas, the same day. On Tuesday, February 11, 1964, she
called Martin on the telephone at
his home from Robert Oswald's home, while Mrs. Martin
listened on extension. They engaged
in a three way conversation. She told Martin she was
dispensing with him as a manager and
as a lover and suggested that Mrs. Martin be told the whole
truth. On February 14, 1964, she
sent registered letters to both Martin and Thorne, which
dismissed them as manager and
lawyer respectively."
J. Edgar Hoover: "Mr. Rankin asked if I didn't think
that business about her being willing to be
James Herbert Martin's mistress was a strange thing, and I
stated I did. That it shows certainly
the complete lack of any character, and the thing that also
impressed me was, if you look at
the picture of Marina when this happened and the picture of
her afterwards, it is almost like two
different people, as in the second picture of her she is not
unattractive... Somebody got hold of
her and got her fixed up and that probably put ideas in her
head also. I stated there was no
question this fellow Martin was making love to her. I stated
that if this kind of thing gets out
before it is nailed down and the Commission reaches a
conclusion as to what and what not to
believe, it would be bad."
JOHN MARTIN THORNE
The attorney of Marina Oswald, John M. Thorne, FBI files
"reflect that he was interviewed as
Special Agent applicant, April 1951. Recommended unfavorably
and all paper forwarded to
Bureau. He was reported to have received LLB Degree, Southern
Methodist University, June
1951. Dallas file 94-152-69 in a memo entitled (Deleted)
Dallas Division. The OSI furnished a
list of reported (deleted). In this list is one John M.
Thorne, Grand Prairie, Texas. File 145-134
reflects a PCI advised on March 1, 1958, that two males and
two females had appeared at a
tourist court and had taken about three reels of film for a
car and into the tourist cabin. PCI
believes that these persons were showing the films and
possibly making others. PCI said this
person, John M. Thorne, come to the tourist courts on an
average of two or three times a
week." Priscilla Johnson was asked if she noticed any
indication that Marina Oswald might be
a sexually active individual: "I have no comment."
HEMMING: NO PORK ROLL FROM OSWALD
HEMMING told this researcher: "She wasn't getting any
pork roll from OSWALD anyway. The
guy was practically fucking impotent. The pressure was a
little bit too much for him. He had
periodic impotence. He probably wouldn't have eaten her box
either. If he'd have gone to Cuba
with me he would have learned all them techniques. The guy
had fucking stresses and strains
you wouldn't believe. This guy couldn't figure what time of
day it was. When a guy has trouble
with trade craft, you know he hasn't been played back to you.
When you fuck up some of the
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basic stuff, and have to be led by the hand. He was a
fuck-up." Marina Oswald: "They put me
right away in the hands of the people that I trusted. FBI
have a tape of everything, telephone
and the things like that. They have a big list, in case if I
tell the truth, or honest, or dwell into
something, they will do everything in their power to
compromise me. If I make waves right now,
please listen to me, I'm telling you the truth, you know how
much material and garbage gonna
pour all over me? 'How can you trust that person when she's a
so in so. When she's no good?'
This stuff was stashed away for blackmail purposes. I wonder
who is the people who is
cooking all this up? The FBI? I didn't have an affair with
Martin. I responded to his advances
when the Secret Service arranged a suite in Washington, D.C.
They taped everything. You
don't have to be a fallen woman. When you're husband gets
killed and you just want
somebody's hand around you, just to hold you, when the whole
world is against you, you
definitely respond. For that one thing I have been
blackmailed for many years. I did not break
up the family. I didn't ask him to come to me. He showed
kindness to my kids. That was all prefab
before, to subject me to deportation, even with approval of
his wife. Tell me about the
Walker thing again. Are you telling me that I lied? Listen to
me. It would be more advantage to
me that I could say now, 'I was scared, they twist my arm, I
said that as a lie.' Don't you
understand that? I'm not saying LEE was there. I wasn't
there. But I am telling you what
happened as he told me. I will be telling you this until I go
to grave. Better I should say it right
now that I lied about. You know what I mean. I think we ought
to finish on that. People who tell
you lies you believe them. When I tell you the truth you
question it. So if you measure me by
that stick I don't think we can continue this
conversation."
After Marina Oswald left the home of Robert Oswald she moved
in with Declan Ford. She
retained William A. McKenzie as her attorney. William A.
McKenzie advised the FBI "it would
be to the welfare of the Bureau not to interview Marina
Oswald concerning the NIXON affair
until his return because of her fatigue resulting from many
interviews, particularly the long
interview of today of an intimate nature." [FBI
105-82555- NR 2.29.64 199]
Profits soon became available to Marina Oswald. Life magazine
paid Marina Oswald $5000 for
the OSWALD/Rifle photograph and she received another $25,000
for other photographs in her
possession. Marina Oswald told this researcher: "The
amount of money that they claim I was
paid by this and that is not true." Isaac Levine offered
her $25,000 for the rights to her story in
book form, although no book materialized until 1977, when
Priscilla Johnson's Lee and Marina
was published. The HSCA asked Marina Oswald why the book took
so long to get into print:
"Well, it is not an easy book to write about, especially
when you try to be so accurate and not
just to bluff around because it was lots of research."
Marina Oswald received $70,000 in
contributions from unnamed sources. In 1964 Marina Oswald
married Kenneth Jess Porter. In
1965 Marina Oswald asked a Dallas justice of the peace for a
peace bond against her
husband. She said he had slapped her and threatened to kill
himself. "We got into an argument
today" Marina stated "He slapped me in the face and
tried to put the children outside so that he
could be alone with the gun he carried. I am afraid that he
might try to do me bodily harm."
Porter was released from the Dallas County Jail after posting
$15,000 peace bond. [Dallas
Morning News 8.19.65] In
the 1970's Marina and her husband invested some of their money in
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NODULE
24
a Dallas bar the subsequently failed. In 1975 Kenneth Porter
managed a sewing machine
outlet and Marina sold children's clothing in a department
store at a suburban shopping center.
[Newsweek 8.11.75] Marina Oswald told this researcher:
"I was too stupid to be involved in
espionage. I was working in a Seven-Eleven. Someone
was stealing money. They were
dragging me and another clerk to take lie detector tests at
the time. I asked, 'Why manager
doesn't take lie detector test?' That was in my FBI
file?"
ANALYSIS
It was pointed out to Marina that the men who took part in
the coup benefited from the coup.
NIXON, HUNT, STURGIS and McCORD ended up in the White House,
not as cashiers in
Seven-Elevens.
END OF NODULE.
CLICK HERE
TO GO ON TO THE NEXT NODULE.
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